Tuesday, February 02, 2016
Hillary Supporters Are As Passionate As Bernie Supporters
It is a common theme in the media these days (especially the cable news networks) that the supporters of Bernie Sanders are passionate about their candidate, while supporters of Hillary Clinton are not. I don't believe that for a second. Hillary's supporters may not be as loud and obnoxious as some of Bernie's supporters, but they are just as passionate in their support of her candidacy.
I am not alone in that assessment. Here is most of a column by Paul Krugman (pictured) in the New York Times
I’ve talked to a few friends who are Sanders supporters, some others who are Clinton supporters, and I have some impressions. This is not reporting; just a personal reaction.
The appeal of the Sanders campaign, at least to people I know, is that it brings a sense of possibility. For those who were joyful and uplifted on inauguration day 2009, the years that followed have been a vast letdown: American politics got even uglier, policy progress always fell short of dreams. Now comes Sanders — very different in personal style from Obama 2008, but again someone who seems different and offers the hope of transformation. And some people really want to hear that message, and don’t want to hear that they’re being unrealistic.
But there’s something else, which I keep encountering, and which I’m sure I’m not the only one to notice: even among progressives, the two-decade-plus smear campaign against the Clintons has had its effect. I keep being told about terrible things the Clintons did that never actually happened, but were carefully fomented right-wing legends — except I’m hearing them from people on the left. The sense that where there’s smoke there must be fire — when the reality was nothing but Richard Mellon Scaife with a smoke machine — is very much out there, still.
Unfortunately, that underlying Foxification of perceptions marries all too well with the tendency of some — only some — Sanders supporters to assume that any skepticism about their hero’s proposals or prospects must reflect personal corruption. Something like that was probably inevitable in a campaign whose premise is that everything is rigged by the oligarchy, but it interacts with the vague perception, the product of all those years of right-wing smearing, that there’s a lot of Clinton dirt.
Even among those who don’t believe in the phony scandals, there is, as there was in 2008, a desire for someone new, who they imagine won’t bring out all that ugliness. But of course they’re wrong: if Sanders is the nominee, it will take around 30 seconds before Fox News is nonstop coverage of the terrible things he supposedly did when younger. Don’t say there’s nothing there: a propaganda machine that could turn John Kerry into a coward can turn a nice guy from Brooklyn into a monstrously flawed specimen of humanity in no time at all.
On the other hand, that history is, I think, one factor behind a phenomenon we saw in 2008 and will see again this year: there’s a lot more passionate support for Clinton than either Sanders supporters or the news media imagine. There are a lot of Democrats who see her as someone who has been subjected to character assassination, to vicious attacks, on a scale few women and no men in politics have ever encountered — yet she’s still standing, still capable of remarkable grace under fire. If you didn’t see something heroic about her performance in the Benghazi hearing, you’re missing something essential.
And Clinton’s dogged realism, while it doesn’t inspire the same kind of uplift as Sanders’s promise of change, can be inspiring in its own way.
The truth is that both Democrats have a lot of genuine, solid support. Both had 80 percent approval among Democrats in the DMR poll released yesterday. One item from that poll that seems to have surprised reporters:
There’s no enthusiasm gap — it’s just different forms of enthusiasm.
I am not alone in that assessment. Here is most of a column by Paul Krugman (pictured) in the New York Times
I’ve talked to a few friends who are Sanders supporters, some others who are Clinton supporters, and I have some impressions. This is not reporting; just a personal reaction.
The appeal of the Sanders campaign, at least to people I know, is that it brings a sense of possibility. For those who were joyful and uplifted on inauguration day 2009, the years that followed have been a vast letdown: American politics got even uglier, policy progress always fell short of dreams. Now comes Sanders — very different in personal style from Obama 2008, but again someone who seems different and offers the hope of transformation. And some people really want to hear that message, and don’t want to hear that they’re being unrealistic.
But there’s something else, which I keep encountering, and which I’m sure I’m not the only one to notice: even among progressives, the two-decade-plus smear campaign against the Clintons has had its effect. I keep being told about terrible things the Clintons did that never actually happened, but were carefully fomented right-wing legends — except I’m hearing them from people on the left. The sense that where there’s smoke there must be fire — when the reality was nothing but Richard Mellon Scaife with a smoke machine — is very much out there, still.
Unfortunately, that underlying Foxification of perceptions marries all too well with the tendency of some — only some — Sanders supporters to assume that any skepticism about their hero’s proposals or prospects must reflect personal corruption. Something like that was probably inevitable in a campaign whose premise is that everything is rigged by the oligarchy, but it interacts with the vague perception, the product of all those years of right-wing smearing, that there’s a lot of Clinton dirt.
Even among those who don’t believe in the phony scandals, there is, as there was in 2008, a desire for someone new, who they imagine won’t bring out all that ugliness. But of course they’re wrong: if Sanders is the nominee, it will take around 30 seconds before Fox News is nonstop coverage of the terrible things he supposedly did when younger. Don’t say there’s nothing there: a propaganda machine that could turn John Kerry into a coward can turn a nice guy from Brooklyn into a monstrously flawed specimen of humanity in no time at all.
On the other hand, that history is, I think, one factor behind a phenomenon we saw in 2008 and will see again this year: there’s a lot more passionate support for Clinton than either Sanders supporters or the news media imagine. There are a lot of Democrats who see her as someone who has been subjected to character assassination, to vicious attacks, on a scale few women and no men in politics have ever encountered — yet she’s still standing, still capable of remarkable grace under fire. If you didn’t see something heroic about her performance in the Benghazi hearing, you’re missing something essential.
And Clinton’s dogged realism, while it doesn’t inspire the same kind of uplift as Sanders’s promise of change, can be inspiring in its own way.
The truth is that both Democrats have a lot of genuine, solid support. Both had 80 percent approval among Democrats in the DMR poll released yesterday. One item from that poll that seems to have surprised reporters:
There’s no enthusiasm gap — it’s just different forms of enthusiasm.
Monday, February 01, 2016
Bookies Favor Clinton To Win Presidency By Large Margin
The folks at Bipartisan Report decided to see who the online bookies thought would be the next United States president. These guys are not infallible, but they have picked the winner 91% of the time. And they still think Hillary Clinton as the odds on favorite to become the next president.
They give Clinton 8/11 odds -- significantly better than Trump (4/1), Rubio (9/2), Cruz (10/1), Bush (22/1), and Sanders and Christie (Both 25/1). The primary/caucus season is just starting today, but it looks like the smart money is on Hillary Clinton.
Bernie's "Super-PAC" Claims Are Disingenuous
In his latest Iowa species, Bernie Sanders is claiming he made the decision not to have a Super-PAC in his campaign -- inferring that his opponents, primarily Hillary Clinton, did create a Super-PAC. That may sound good to his supporters (and other opposing the misguided Citizens United decision of the Supreme Court), but it ignores the current campaign law -- and misleads voters.
The fact is that NO candidate can form a Super-PAC. Super-PACs are formed by outside groups -- and it is illegal for that Super-PAC to coordinate with the candidate's campaign in any way. The Super-PACs may spend collect and spend money to support a candidate, but they cannot have a working relationship with that candidate's campaign organization. That means that NO candidate of either party has created a Super-PAC.
Sanders also tries to give the impression that, while their are Super-PACs supporting Hillary Clinton, there aren't any supporting him. That is not true either. There are at least three Super-PACs supporting Sanders' campaign -- two from progressive organizations and one from a nurses union. I know that some of his supporters will claim he didn't want Super-PAC support, but the fact is that he does have it. And trying to give the impression that he doesn't is just not honest.
Bernie (and his supporters) like to question the honesty and trustworthiness of Hillary Clinton. I think his talk about Super-PACs raises the same questions about him. He has shown a willingness to mislead voters.
The fact is that NO candidate can form a Super-PAC. Super-PACs are formed by outside groups -- and it is illegal for that Super-PAC to coordinate with the candidate's campaign in any way. The Super-PACs may spend collect and spend money to support a candidate, but they cannot have a working relationship with that candidate's campaign organization. That means that NO candidate of either party has created a Super-PAC.
Sanders also tries to give the impression that, while their are Super-PACs supporting Hillary Clinton, there aren't any supporting him. That is not true either. There are at least three Super-PACs supporting Sanders' campaign -- two from progressive organizations and one from a nurses union. I know that some of his supporters will claim he didn't want Super-PAC support, but the fact is that he does have it. And trying to give the impression that he doesn't is just not honest.
Bernie (and his supporters) like to question the honesty and trustworthiness of Hillary Clinton. I think his talk about Super-PACs raises the same questions about him. He has shown a willingness to mislead voters.
Charlie Cook: On The Iowa Caucus And Beyond
Respected political analyst Charlie Cook (pictured) has written an interesting piece on the Iowa caucuses and the race beyond that for the party presidential nominations. Here is some of what he said in his article for the National Journal:
The Iowa Caucuses on Monday night can be expected to provide some clarity in the contests for the Democratic and Republican presidential nominations, but don’t expect too much. One way to look at the results is to think of what outcomes would surprise you, and change your assumptions about the state of each contest and where each is headed. Anything contrary to your expectations should be considered potentially significant.
In the Republican race, the fight between front-runner Donald Trump and Ted Cruz is expected to be very close, though most assume that Trump has an edge. If either won by, say, five or more points, that would be significant. If Trump won by a healthy margin, many (though not me) think that given his big lead in New Hampshire polling, he would be unstoppable.
Conversely, if Cruz wins by a handful of points, Trump’s big Granite State advantage could seriously erode. Part of Trump’s appeal is that he is seen by his supporters as a winner, a guy who can do anything. A loss by more than a few points, besides possibly causing Trump’s head to explode, could peel back a layer or two of his aura of invincibility.
Cruz clearly has the superior organization, and that might well matter, though the argument for Trump is that he can motivate voters, even those without a history of political involvement, to turn out on their own as they have for his rallies. Should another candidate—say, Marco Rubio—squeeze into a second-place showing, that would be a development of some significance.
One of the most important questions in this race is which one of the four establishment-oriented, conventional candidates—Rubio, Jeb Bush, Chris Christie, or John Kasich—will emerge as the winner of this bracket and how long it will take. The worst thing that could happen for the establishment is for three or four of these conventional candidates to survive past New Hampshire. The best-case scenario is for three to drop out before the South Carolina primary.
Among the most ideologically conservative candidates, any results that give Ben Carson, Carly Fiorina, Mike Huckabee, Rand Paul, or Rick Santorum a new lease on life, prolonging their candidacies, would be significant and not a great sign for Cruz, who’s on the cusp of effectively shutting down this bracket.
For Democrats, anything different from a close outcome between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders would be worth your attention. This is a contest between Clinton’s carefully constructed organization and the idealistic and passionate band behind Sanders. Sanders is generating more enthusiasm, an almost cult-like feel, but can emotion trump organization? Sanders’s entire campaign is predicated on doing extremely well in Iowa and the 14 other caucus states, as well as New Hampshire and the five other New England states, which comprise the most liberal region in the country. If he manages to dominate the caucus states and New England, he will need to expand his support beyond the young as well as soy-latte-drinking, Birkenstock-wearing, Subaru- and Volvo-driving white liberals. Losing Iowa by more than a few points would put in jeopardy his big lead in New Hampshire.
Keep in mind two things. First, don’t put all your eggs in the momentum basket. New Hampshire voters have demonstrated a temptation or even willingness to repeal the Iowa outcome, reinforcing their claim as the picker of presidents. Second, nominations are about delegates, and very, very few are selected in Iowa, New Hampshire, or, for that matter, South Carolina and Nevada, the other two February contests. March is the month that is the mother lode of delegates; then the process extends at a more muted level until the California primary on June 7.
At this point, my gut suggests that by the time we get deep into the process, Trump will appear to have the support of the populist, less ideological third of the GOP, roughly where he is now; Cruz will have consolidated conservatives and roughly one third of the party; a conventional candidate (Bush, Christie, Kasich, or Rubio) will be pulling about a quarter, with the remaining fifth up in the air. That spells a contested convention.
On the Democratic side, Clinton may well have a challenging first two weeks of March, maybe a little longer. But keep in mind that the caucus states are relatively small—the largest are Minnesota, Washington, and Iowa—as are the New England states, with Massachusetts by far the largest. Caucus and New England states are relatively front-loaded in the process, so things should get friendlier for Clinton as we get deeper into the calendar.
I think he's generally right. The Democrats will have a nominee by convention time. It will be close between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders early, but Clinton will start to separate herself in the Super Tuesday primaries, and I believe, will be the eventual nominee.
The interesting part of what he says is in what will happen with the Republicans. He believes they could go to their convention without a nominee having a majority of delegates, and that would make for one of the most interesting (at least for us political junkies) conventions in many years. I believe it could happen, but it will depend on whether Republicans decide they can stomach a Trump candidacy or not. A recent Gallup Poll showed him with a 60% unfavorable rating with Americans (the highest of any nominee in recent history).
Whoever gets the nominations of the major parties, this is already shaping up as a very interesting campaign season.
The Iowa Caucuses on Monday night can be expected to provide some clarity in the contests for the Democratic and Republican presidential nominations, but don’t expect too much. One way to look at the results is to think of what outcomes would surprise you, and change your assumptions about the state of each contest and where each is headed. Anything contrary to your expectations should be considered potentially significant.
In the Republican race, the fight between front-runner Donald Trump and Ted Cruz is expected to be very close, though most assume that Trump has an edge. If either won by, say, five or more points, that would be significant. If Trump won by a healthy margin, many (though not me) think that given his big lead in New Hampshire polling, he would be unstoppable.
Conversely, if Cruz wins by a handful of points, Trump’s big Granite State advantage could seriously erode. Part of Trump’s appeal is that he is seen by his supporters as a winner, a guy who can do anything. A loss by more than a few points, besides possibly causing Trump’s head to explode, could peel back a layer or two of his aura of invincibility.
Cruz clearly has the superior organization, and that might well matter, though the argument for Trump is that he can motivate voters, even those without a history of political involvement, to turn out on their own as they have for his rallies. Should another candidate—say, Marco Rubio—squeeze into a second-place showing, that would be a development of some significance.
One of the most important questions in this race is which one of the four establishment-oriented, conventional candidates—Rubio, Jeb Bush, Chris Christie, or John Kasich—will emerge as the winner of this bracket and how long it will take. The worst thing that could happen for the establishment is for three or four of these conventional candidates to survive past New Hampshire. The best-case scenario is for three to drop out before the South Carolina primary.
Among the most ideologically conservative candidates, any results that give Ben Carson, Carly Fiorina, Mike Huckabee, Rand Paul, or Rick Santorum a new lease on life, prolonging their candidacies, would be significant and not a great sign for Cruz, who’s on the cusp of effectively shutting down this bracket.
For Democrats, anything different from a close outcome between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders would be worth your attention. This is a contest between Clinton’s carefully constructed organization and the idealistic and passionate band behind Sanders. Sanders is generating more enthusiasm, an almost cult-like feel, but can emotion trump organization? Sanders’s entire campaign is predicated on doing extremely well in Iowa and the 14 other caucus states, as well as New Hampshire and the five other New England states, which comprise the most liberal region in the country. If he manages to dominate the caucus states and New England, he will need to expand his support beyond the young as well as soy-latte-drinking, Birkenstock-wearing, Subaru- and Volvo-driving white liberals. Losing Iowa by more than a few points would put in jeopardy his big lead in New Hampshire.
Keep in mind two things. First, don’t put all your eggs in the momentum basket. New Hampshire voters have demonstrated a temptation or even willingness to repeal the Iowa outcome, reinforcing their claim as the picker of presidents. Second, nominations are about delegates, and very, very few are selected in Iowa, New Hampshire, or, for that matter, South Carolina and Nevada, the other two February contests. March is the month that is the mother lode of delegates; then the process extends at a more muted level until the California primary on June 7.
At this point, my gut suggests that by the time we get deep into the process, Trump will appear to have the support of the populist, less ideological third of the GOP, roughly where he is now; Cruz will have consolidated conservatives and roughly one third of the party; a conventional candidate (Bush, Christie, Kasich, or Rubio) will be pulling about a quarter, with the remaining fifth up in the air. That spells a contested convention.
On the Democratic side, Clinton may well have a challenging first two weeks of March, maybe a little longer. But keep in mind that the caucus states are relatively small—the largest are Minnesota, Washington, and Iowa—as are the New England states, with Massachusetts by far the largest. Caucus and New England states are relatively front-loaded in the process, so things should get friendlier for Clinton as we get deeper into the calendar.
I think he's generally right. The Democrats will have a nominee by convention time. It will be close between Hillary Clinton and Bernie Sanders early, but Clinton will start to separate herself in the Super Tuesday primaries, and I believe, will be the eventual nominee.
The interesting part of what he says is in what will happen with the Republicans. He believes they could go to their convention without a nominee having a majority of delegates, and that would make for one of the most interesting (at least for us political junkies) conventions in many years. I believe it could happen, but it will depend on whether Republicans decide they can stomach a Trump candidacy or not. A recent Gallup Poll showed him with a 60% unfavorable rating with Americans (the highest of any nominee in recent history).
Whoever gets the nominations of the major parties, this is already shaping up as a very interesting campaign season.
Subscribe to:
Posts (Atom)














