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Wednesday, September 09, 2026
Trump Will Spend His PAC Money To Support His Favorite Politician
Robert Reich tells us the politician Donald Trump will spend his PAC money to support:
With the midterm races officially beginning this week, a big question hanging over the Republican Party is how Trump will allocate his giant stash of super PAC money. As of July 31, MAGA Inc. had more than $400 million on hand, larger than the cash reserves of any of the major party committees.
But he’s barely spent any of it yet. Why not?
Is he waiting to see where his stash can do the most good for Republicans during the peak campaign season?
I doubt it. He’s already missed the chance to lock in airtime at lower advance rates and define candidates before attitudes harden.
Is he using the stash as a means of silencing criticism in the Republican ranks or holding back support until a candidate lavishes praise on him?
Also doubtful. Republican candidates who believe they need to criticize his war or his economic policies to stay viable won’t restrain themselves because of his possible campaign cash.
Maybe he’s conserving the money to discipline Republican candidates in the 2028 primaries and general election, when he’ll use the stash to penalize disloyalty and reward loyalty?
Possibly, but he’s already practically a lame duck.
Is he conserving the cash to pass it on to his chosen presidential successor — Vance or Rubio or a third selection as yet unknown?
Probably not. That’s a long way off.
None of these theories holds water because they don’t figure in Trump’s towering malignant narcissism.
I think he’ll be putting the money behind his favorite politician — the person he most admires, who represents everything he believes in, who he considers the single most important and talented living person in the entire flaming firmament of the known universe.
Himself.
He’s going to use his campaign cash to make himself look good, or at least far better than he looks now. Multiple public and private polls show Trump’s approval rating now mired in the mid-30 percent range — at or near historic lows for a president facing a midterm election.
So he’ll launch a campaign to regain the adulation he’s lost, to recast himself as the hero he believes he is, to reclaim the mantle of savior to which he thinks he’s entitled.
In other words, it will be a campaign to promote, glorify, and exalt Donald J. Trump.
The nonprofit arm of Trump’s political operation, Securing American Greatness, has already spent about $1 million on its first midterm ads set to air nationwide, featuring video clips of Trump talking about tax breaks in his domestic spending legislation and lower prices for eggs and prescription drugs.
In early August, according to The Atlantic, Trump told advisers they should follow the same strategy as the Democrats — making the election all about him.
But as Karl Rove, who was senior adviser and deputy chief of staff for George W. Bush, notes in The Wall Street Journal, given how unpopular Trump is, making the election even more about him only helps the Democrats.
Trump also plans to travel all over the country to hold rallies like he did during his presidential elections. Fox News’s senior White House correspondent, Peter Doocy, reports hearing “whispers of a ton of Trump travel in October, possibly as much as a Trump rally a day” in competitive states and districts.
It begins this week when Trump hosts an unprecedented midterm party convention in Dallas, centering on his accomplishments. From there, he’ll head all over America, campaigning like mad — for himself.
Rove warns: “Trump is never disciplined. He’ll have no script, saying whatever comes to mind. His crazy comments will dominate the news, locally and nationally. Republican candidates will constantly have to fend off questions about whether they agree with his latest insult or half-baked idea. The narrative won’t be on anything positive about them or the GOP.”
Presumably this is why some battleground Republicans told Trump’s staff that they’d prefer he not visit their districts ahead of November, according to Republican operatives involved in the conversations, as reported by Politico. Meanwhile, Republican pollsters have told candidates in tight races to limit their references to him.
Rove and other Republican functionaries are urging Trump to “act more presidential” by using his vast super PAC funds to support Republican candidates rather than finance a campaign about himself.
But they’re yelling into the wind of Trump’s ballroom-sized ego.
Such is Trump’s epic narcissism that he’ll dedicate the next two months to promoting himself rather than Republican candidates. Then he’ll treat a Republican defeat on November 3 not as a repudiation but as a compliment — saying they lost because he wasn’t on the ticket.
As almost everyone in the world knows by now, Trump cares only about himself. That’s been his MO forever.
Bad news for Republicans in the midterms, good news for Democrats, a continuing catastrophe for America.
Tuesday, September 08, 2026
Opinion Of Voters On Who Is Working Class
Trump's Massive Corruption Is Open, Obvious, And Hurting Our Democracy
The following article on Trump's corruption is by Carolyn Goode at The Fulcrum:
It is hard to believe that in the 250th year of America’s independence, corruption is emerging from within the very institution meant to prevent it — the White House.
It is not hidden; it is boldly in plain sight, festering and endangering the Republic. As Zephyr Teachout warns, corruption in plain sight is a real threat to democracy.
Today, corruption in America is not static — it grows, adapts, and accelerates when accountability collapses. In the United States, corruption has become exponential — corruption raised to a higher power — as public institutions weaken, oversight erodes, and leaders discover they can act without consequence. The Founders understood this danger. They built a constitutional system designed to prevent concentrated power, anticipating that future leaders might test its limits. Today, those limits are being tested in ways that threaten the Republic's stability.
The U.S. Constitution is clear: public office is a public trust. The Domestic Emoluments Clause prohibits a president from receiving any financial benefit from the federal or state governments beyond a fixed salary. The Foreign Emoluments Clause prohibits federal officials from accepting gifts, payments, or benefits from foreign governments without congressional consent. When a president abuses both clauses, he uses public authority for private gain — distorting constitutional processes and weakening the Republic. This is how Trump has distorted constitutional processes.
Reports show corruption did not simply appear during Trump’s presidency — he brought it with him from his private business into the White House, and it accelerated. What began as conflicts of interest grew into systemic self‑enrichment, expanding across agencies, foreign relationships, and federal decision‑making. Corruption did not remain linear; it became exponential.
The 47th president has blended public office with private business in ways ethics watchdogs and legal scholars describe as unprecedented in modern American history. Reports reveal he added billions to his wealth during his presidency — the most lucrative administration in American history. From cryptocurrency ventures to foreign government patronage at Trump‑branded properties, the scale and variety of the alleged conflicts have prompted ongoing legal challenges and congressional debate.
Trump’s corruption as a sitting president runs deep and remains unprecedented — a pattern observers describe as a form of kleptocracy, where public office becomes a vehicle for personal and family enrichment. Reports reveal this corruption multiplied — spreading from business dealings to federal agencies, from foreign delegations to domestic policy, from personal profit to institutional distortion. From directing foreign delegations, Secret Service agents, and federal officials to stay at his properties, to negotiating immunity through litigation, the president’s corruption spreads wide. Each action meets the definition of corruption: the abuse of public power for personal gain, carried out in ways that distort constitutional processes and place private interests above the public’s.
Trump’s corrupt practices in office mirrored the same self‑dealing behaviors he used in the private sector — imported directly into public power. He found every soft policy, every gray zone, every unenforced rule, and pushed through them all. By refusing to divest, he created a presidency where public power served private profit, where shell companies continued operating, where foreign and domestic money flowed into his properties, and where court cases documented a pattern of behavior that did not stop when he took the oath of office. Even family members — including Jared Kushner — became part of a system where private interestsoverlapped with public authority.
Reports show Capital One closed more than 300 Trump‑affiliated accounts after months of review, citing patterns consistent with money‑laundering risk. Foreign delegations routed wire transfers through Trump hotels, raising alarms under the Foreign Emoluments Clause. A Belgian diamond consortium that gifted Trump a lavish ring later received tariff relief — prompting senators to warn of potential bribery concerns. Watchdogs have tracked dozens of corrupt transactions across his businesses and political operations.
Trump’s corruption in plain sight shows he does not fear oversight, because Congress has abandoned its oversight role. Analysts warn that corruption carried out openly — without consequence — becomes a pathway to autocracy. He acts openly because he knows Congress will not stop him. His corruption follows a familiar pattern — pay‑to‑play, quid pro quo, tariff favors, foreign gifts, pardons for allies, and suing institutions that try to enforce the law. Reports reveal he even began selling early access to his market‑moving Truth Social posts — charging up to $100,000 a month for privileged access to presidential announcements while personally trading stocks that could be affected by those same posts.
Trump’s unkept promises are in clear view, as corruption harms small businesses across the country. Tariffs crushed small manufacturers, raising costs by 20–50 percent and forcing layoffs, closures, and bankruptcies. Pay‑to‑play access gave corporate giants preferential treatment at international summits while small firms were shut out. Cuts to inspectors general weakened fraud detection, leaving small businesses vulnerable. Corruption does not just distort institutions — it destroys livelihoods.
Corruption in America is endangering the Republic because it is festering and spreading rapidly through the nation’s institutions — weakening the constitutional systems that protect self‑government.
Corruption endangers the Republic because it weakens the constitutional systems that protect self‑government. When leaders use public office for private gain, checks and balances erode, agencies lose independence, and the rule of law becomes unevenly applied. Corruption distorts policy decisions, redirects public resources toward private interests, and undermines equal representation. It damages public trust — the foundation of democratic legitimacy — and creates conditions where authoritarian behavior can take root. Exponential abuse is dangerous because each violation makes the next one easier, faster, and harder to stop — accelerating institutional breakdown. The stakes are not partisan; they are national — because corruption weakens every institution Americans rely on. Corruption erodes civic trust, and without trust, democratic participation collapses.
The president’s corruption in plain sight has made American democracy feel unrecognizable. Reports show his self‑enrichment, retaliation, and use of government machinery for personal gain resemble patterns seen in authoritarian systems abroad. What should be a constitutional presidency has instead looked, at times, like a reality‑show presidency, where public decisions often resembled private interests. Millions describe the last several years as living inside a system where loyalty is rewarded over law. This is not ordinary corruption; it is corruption to the tenth power and beyond — corruption that distorts governance, weakens checks and balances, and threatens the Republic itself.
Congress’s refusal to enforce oversight has allowed corruption to accelerate. Inspectors generalwere weakened. IRS oversight was undermined. Public corruption units faced political pressure. The power of the purse — a core constitutional check — was eroded as federal funds were redirected toward presidential priorities without authorization.
Americans can reverse this exponential abuse of power. Congress can strengthen disclosure rules so presidents must report all business interests, investment accounts, foreign gifts, and outside income. Lawmakers can pass conflict‑of‑interest laws that prohibit presidents from owning or operating businesses that benefit from federal decisions or foreign investments. Congress must pass and enforce policies that clearly separate public leadership from private business — even when presidents refuse to divest or violate the Emoluments Clauses. Oversight can be rebuilt by restoring IRS independence, re‑empowering inspectors general, enforcing the Anti‑Deficiency Act, and strengthening the FBI’s Public Corruption Unit. Democracy can still be repaired, but only if citizens insist that public office serve the public good.
Reports show corruption has multiplied. The deeper question is whether we will allow it to keep multiplying — whether we will normalize what we once condemned. Corruption grows when accountability shrinks, but accountability can grow too.
The math is simple: multiplication can work both ways. Corruption can multiply — or citizens can subtract its power. The next exponent is ours to choose.
Monday, September 07, 2026
Happy Labor Day!
Today, we honor the most important people in our country - the workers. It is the workers that built the country and keep it going every day!














