Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts
Showing posts with label United Nations. Show all posts

Sunday, September 27, 2026

The United Nations Has Problems - But The World Needs It


The following is just a small part of an excellent article by Nicholas Kristof in The New York Times: 

Sure, bash the United Nations; it often deserves it. But my guess is that millions more children would die every year if it weren’t for UNICEF, the World Food Program, the U.N. Refugee Agency and the U.N. Office for the Coordination of Humanitarian Affairs. On balance, that seems a defensible record, no?

Understand also that the U.N. is a crumbling pillar of what is left of this geopolitical global order that the United States helped create after World War II and that has so benefited us and the world. And note that one reason for the infuriating U.N. paralysis and timorousness is that great powers throw their weight around, often vetoing constructive action and, in the case of the United States, slashing budgets as well.

I fear that the paralysis may get worse.

The United Nations is supposed to choose a new secretary general this year, and this is a moment when the world needs a charismatic, outspoken leader who could use the bully pulpit and tackle the globe’s security and humanitarian crises. Sadly, that seems exactly what the United States, China and Russia are determined to avoid.

There is growing concern that Trump, Xi Jinping and Vladimir Putin may be unable to agree on any of the current candidates for secretary general, and that they will settle on some innocuous dark horse nonentity so mild and inoffensive that the United Nations will be further marginalized and weakened.

The result would very likely be more Ebola outbreaks, more war, more paralysis in confronting the common threats to humanity — and more darkness descending on our planet.

Monday, January 19, 2026

Is Trump Trying To Create A Rival To The United Nations?

Donald Trump has long been critical of the United Nations. Now it looks like he is trying to create an alternative to it - a rival organization that he would control. 

The following is from Bloomberg News:

The Trump administration is asking countries that want a permanent spot on his new Board of Peace to contribute at least $1 billion.

According to a draft charter for the proposed group seen by Bloomberg, President Donald Trump would serve as its inaugural chairman and would decide on who is invited to be members. Decisions would be taken by a majority, with each member state present getting one vote, but all would be subject to the chairman’s approval.

“Each Member State shall serve a term of no more than three years from this Charter’s entry into force, subject to renewal by the Chairman. The three-year membership term shall not apply to Member States that contribute more than USD $1,000,000,000 in cash funds to the Board of Peace within the first year of the Charter’s entry into force,” the draft says.

Critics are worried that Trump is trying to build an alternative, or rival, to the United Nations, which he has long criticized.

The board is described in the charter as “an international organization that seeks to promote stability, restore dependable and lawful governance, and secure enduring peace in areas affected or threatened by conflict.” It would become official once three member states agree to the charter. . . .

Trump has invited a number of world leaders, including Argentina’s Javier Milei and Canada’s Mark Carney, to be part of a Board of Peace for Gaza, which would be formed under the broader umbrella of his new Board of Peace. . . .

Several European nations have been invited to join the peace board, according to people familiar with the matter. The draft appears to suggest Trump himself would control the money, something that would be considered unacceptable to most countries who could have potentially joined the board, said the people, who spoke on condition of anonymity to discuss private matters.

Several nations strongly oppose the draft of Trump’s charter and are working on collectively pushing back against the proposals, the people added. . . .

The Board of Peace would convene voting meetings at least annually and “at such additional times and locations as the Chairman deems appropriate,” the draft charter says. The agenda would be subject to approval by the chairman. The peace board would hold regular non-voting meetings with its executive board. Such meetings would be convened on at least a quarterly basis.

Trump would also have the power to remove a member, subject to a veto by a two-thirds majority of member states. “The Chairman shall at all times designate a successor for the role of Chairman,” the charter says.

On Friday, the White House announced a first executive panel that would include Secretary of State Marco Rubio, Middle East envoy Steve Witkoff, Trump’s son-in-law Jared Kushner and former UK Prime Minister Tony Blair before the formation of the overall board.

Monday, September 29, 2025

Trump Wants To Control Who Can Speak At The U.N.


The words above, from Colombian President Gustavo Petri, will probably shock many Americans. But they shouldn't. He has a point.

Donald Trump appeared at the United Nations last week, and among other things, he remarked about the organizations inability to solve world problems. I believe the UN does a lot of good in the world, but it does have some problems.

I wonder if Trump realizes that he is one of those problems. Last week, the UN debated the possibility of a two-state solution to solve the problems between Israelis and Palestinians. But not all parties were able to appear and speak at the UN. Trump refused to allow representatives of Hamas to enter the U.S. and appear at the UN. Whatever one might think of Hamas (and they deserve the criticism they receive), shouldn't all sides be heard if a solution is to be found?

Then, after President Petro joined a demonstration supporting Palestinians, Trump revoked his visa and forced him to leave this country. Petro did not commit or support violence. He just peacefully demonstrated with others. Shouldn't that be his right (since our Constitution affords the same rights to everyone in this country - even visitors)?

We are currently having a problem with the Trump administration trying to suppress free speech in the United States. But we need to also support free speech at the United Nations. How can solutions be found when only some are allowed to speak? If the United Nations is to work, everyone must be included.

But Donald Trump thinks he should have the right to restrict who can enter this country to speak at the United Nations. He should not have that right! 

As long as Trump tries to control who can appear before the UN, President Petro has a point. Maybe the UN should be moved to a country that will respect everyone's ability to address it - even those with unpopular views.

Thursday, September 25, 2025

Trump's U.N. Speech Was An Embarrassment For The United States


Many U.S. presidents have spoken before the United Nations. Some of those speeches were great and others not so much. But Trump's speech was the worst by far. It was humiliating and embarrassing for the citizens of the United States.

Trump was allowed 15 minutes for the speech, but it droned on for nearly an hour. He bragged continuously about his own accomplishments (mostly untrue), attacked and denigrated other nations (including our allies), called global climate change a huge con (perpetrated by stupid people), attacked renewable energy (and bragged about increasing fossil fuel energy), and demonized immigrants all over the world.

And throughout the speech was lie after lie after lie! If he still had any respect among the leaders of other nations, this speech probably took care of that. He exposed himself to the world as ignorant, dishonest, untrustworthy, and a braggart. 

PolitiFact fact-checked his speech. Here is some of what they found:

"In a period of just seven months, I have ended seven unendable wars."

This is Mostly False.

Trump had a hand in deals that eased conflicts between Cambodia and Thailand; Israel and Iran; and India and Pakistan — although some of those countries’ leaders dispute his role.

The U.S. was involved in a temporary peace deal between the Democratic Republic of Congo and Rwanda that experts said is significant but remains shaky. In a conflict between Egypt and Ethiopia, there is no solution on the table. And with Kosovo and Serbia, there is little evidence a potential war was brewing.

Russia and Ukraine are "killing anywhere from 5,000 to 7,000 young soldiers mostly, mostly soldiers on both sides, every single week."

Trump overstated how many people are dying each week in the Russia-Ukraine war.

Since Russia’s 2022 invasion of Ukraine, the Center for Strategic and International Studies estimated there have been nearly 250,000 Russian military deaths, said Mark Cancian, a CSIS senior defense and security adviser. One thousand Russian civilians also have been killed, he said. (CSIS estimates largely align with British and U.S. intelligence estimates, CNN reported.) 

On the Ukrainian side, there have been 80,000 military deaths. The U.N. Human Right Monitoring Mission in Ukraine reported about 14,100 civilian deaths.

In total, that’s about 345,100 deaths since the start of the conflict. The war began Feb. 24, 2022. That amounts to roughly 264 deaths per day or 1,848 deaths per week, thousands short of Trump’s figures. 

The U.S. bombing of Iran’s nuclear facilities "totally obliterat(ed) everything."

About three months after the U.S. attack on Fordo, a major underground Iranian nuclear site, it’s not clear how much damage U.S. bombs created.

Trump said the facilities were "completely and totally obliterated" hours after the June 22 attack. At the time, experts told PolitiFactthat a few hours was far too soon for Trump to know the extent of the damage with any certainty. 

Officials still haven’t publicly released a definitive damage assessment. 

"We've recently begun using the supreme power of the United States military to destroy Venezuela terrorists and trafficking networks led by (Venezuela President) Nicolas Maduro."

The U.S. military has struck at least three boats off Venezuela’s coast since Sept. 2, killing at least 17 people.

The Venezuelan government allows military officers to be involved in drug trafficking. But there isn’t evidence the government is engaged in organized drug trafficking to the U.S., experts on drugs and Venezuela told PolitiFact. 

Venezuela plays a minor role in trafficking drugs that reach the U.S., experts said. 

Under the Biden administration there were "millions and millions of people pouring in from all over the world, from prisons, from mental institutions, drug dealers all over the world."

Pants on Fire! There is no evidence that countries are emptying their prisons, or that mental institutions are sending people to illegally migrate to the U.S. 

The Biden administration "lost more than 300,000 children, little children, who were trafficked into the United States. … They’re lost or they’re dead."

This distorts federal data. An August 2024 report from the Department of Homeland Security’s inspector general found that 32,000 unaccompanied migrant children failed to appear for immigration court dates. That happened from October 2018 through September 2023, including some of Trump’s first term.

The report said children who do not appear for court are considered at higher risk for trafficking, exploitation or forced labor. But it did not cite data on children trafficked, missing or dead.

The report did not say the children were missing. Immigration experts previously told PolitiFact that describing them that way is misleading.

"We are rapidly reversing the economic calamity we inherited from the previous administration."

The unemployment rate has ticked upward during Trump’s tenure, from 4% in January, when he was inaugurated, to 4.3% in August. Nonfarm job creation has slowed, with employment rising by about 0.3% from January to August. That’s about half the rate of increase in the equivalent period in 2024 under President Joe Biden.

"In just eight months since I took office, we have secured commitments and money already paid for $17 trillion" in investments. 

Trump has cited a long list of promised foreign investments, but there is no guarantee that the full amounts promised will come to fruition, and some of this investment would have occurred regardless of who was president, experts said.

The projected cumulative U.S. gross domestic product over the next five years is $169 trillion, according to the Congressional Budget Office, so the $17 trillion amount Trump cited, if it materializes, would account for 10% of the entire U.S. economic output.

"Under my leadership … grocery prices are down, mortgage rates are down, and inflation has been defeated."

The trends are mixed.

Overall grocery prices are up 2.7% compared with August 2024. 

Mortgage rates are down, from 6.96% when Trump was sworn in to 6.26% today.

Inflation is 2.9%, with rates rising for the last four consecutive months.

"We’ve implemented the largest tax cuts in American history."

We have rated a similar claim Mostly False.

Trump’s domestic spending bill extends 2017 tax cuts that otherwise would have expired. When those extensions are factored in, the tax savings from Trump’s 2025 law rank third on the list of biggest tax cut laws since 1980.

"I give China a lot of credit, they build (windmills), but they (have) very few wind farms."

We previously rated this Pants on Fire.

China has about 44% of the world’s wind farm capacity, ranking No. 1 globally and almost tripling what the U.S. has. China is also planning or building more wind farm capacity than any other country.

"Our (electricity) bills are coming way down. You probably see that our gasoline prices are way down."

This is inaccurate.

Energy prices — a category that includes fuel oil, propane, kerosene, firewood, electricity and energy services — are down overall on Trump’s watch. But the two categories he specified, electricity and gasoline, are not.

Electricity costs have spiked on Trump’s watch. They are up 4.9% since Trump took office in January, and were up by 6.2% in August compared with a year earlier.

Gasoline prices are slightly higher than when Trump was inaugurated in January, and about a penny per gallon lower than a year ago.

"I unleashed massive energy production." 

U.S. energy production has not increased dramatically on Trump’s watch. 

U.S. oil production was 407.4 million barrels in January. By June, the latest month available, the amount was nearly identical.

As for natural gas production, it fell by about 0.5% over the same period. However, the number of natural gas rigs — a common real-time metric for production — increased during that period, from 99 to 118.

The number of oil rigs in use fell between mid-January and mid-September, from 472 to 418.

London wants "to go to Shariah law." 

This claim is inaccurate and fueled by right-wing groups. 

There are ongoing debates about the role of Islamic Shariah councils in the United Kingdom, including in London, but those operate on a limited basis in specific community contexts. They do not represent a desire to replace UK law with Shariah.

Shariah councils in the UK predominantly deal with Islamic divorces, arbitration and mediation. Their rulings have no legal standing.

Tuesday, September 23, 2025

Americans Support The United Nations But Criticize It's Effectiveness


 




The charts above are from the Gallup Poll -- done between August 1st and 20th of a nationwide sample of 1,094 adults, with a 4 point margin of error.

Wednesday, December 06, 2023

UN Climate Report Says World Is NOT Meeting Its Goals

 

The United Nations has released its 2023 Emissions Gap Report. And it's rather frightening. It shows that the world is not meeting the goals set in the Paris Accords (which would limit global warming to about 2.0C). Unless better action is taken, and soon, the rise will be closer to 3.0C, and that would trigger disastrous consequences. You can read the entire report here.

Here is the report's forward (written by Inger Andersen, Executive Director of the United Nations Environment Program):

Humanity is breaking all the wrong records when it comes to climate change. Greenhouse gas emissions reached a new high in 2022. In September 2023, global average temperatures were 1.8°C above pre-industrial levels. When this year is over, according to the European Union’s Copernicus Climate Change Service, it is almost certain to be the warmest year on record.

The 2023 edition of the Emissions Gap Report tells us that the world must change track, or we will be saying the same thing next year – and the year after, and the year after, like a broken record. The report finds that fully implementing and continuing mitigation efforts of unconditional nationally determined contributions (NDCs) made under the Paris Agreement for 2030 would put the world on course for limiting temperature rise to 2.9°C this century. Fully implementing conditional NDCs would lower this to 2.5°C. Given the intense climate impacts we are already seeing, neither outcome is desirable.

Progress since the Paris Agreement was signed in 2015 has shown that the world is capable of change. Greenhouse gas emissions in 2030, based on policies in place, were projected to increase by 16 per cent at the time of the agreement’s adoption. Today, the projected increase is 3 per cent. However, predicted 2030 greenhouse gas emissions must fall by 28 per cent for the Paris Agreement 2°C pathway and 42 per cent for the 1.5°C pathway.

Change must come faster in the form of economy-wide, low-carbon development transformations, with a focus on the energy transition. Countries with greater capacity and responsibility for emissions will need to take more ambitious action and provide financial and technical support to developing nations. Low- and middle-income countries, which already account for more than two thirds of global emissions, should meet their development needs with low- emissions growth, which would provide universal access to energy, lift millions out of poverty, and expand strategic industries.

The first global stocktake, concluding at COP 28 in Dubai this year, will inform the next round of NDCs, which will set new national emissions targets for 2035. Ambition in these NDCs must bring greenhouse gas emissions in 2035 to levels consistent with the 2°C and 1.5°C pathways. Stronger implementation in this decade will help to make this possible. The world needs to lift the needle out of the groove of insufficient ambition and action, and start setting new records on cutting emissions, green and just transitions, and climate finance – starting now.

Wednesday, July 13, 2022

World Population Prospects From United Nations Report




 These are some interesting charts from the 2022 World Population Prospects by the United Nations Department of Economic and Social Affairs. If you would like to read the repost, you can go here.

Thursday, April 07, 2022

U.S./U.N./NATO Must Take Action To Defend Human Rights

This is what President Zelensky told the United Nations about the atrocities committed against Ukrainian citizens by Russian soldiers:

“They cut off limbs, slashed their throats, women raped and killed in front of their children. Their tongues were pulled out only because the aggressor did not hear what they wanted to hear from them.”

“The Russian military … purposefully killed anyone who served our country. They shot and killed women outside their houses…They killed entire families, adults and children, and they tried to burn the bodies. I am addressing you on behalf of the people who honor the memory of the deceased every single day and the memory of the civilians who died, they were shot and killed in the back of their head after being tortured. Some of them were shot on the streets.” 

“There is not a single crime they would not commit there just for their pleasure.” 

“Where is the security that the Security Council is supposed to be guaranteed?” 

“Are you ready to close the U.N.? Do you think that the time of international law is gone? If your answer is no, then you need to act immediately.”

His words are powerful because he is right. War crimes are being committed against innocent civilians in Ukraine. Genocide is being committed against the Ukrainian people. And that's not all. Putin has ordered the bombing and missile strikes against civilian population centers.

One American general has declared that the war could go on for years. If true, that would be devastating for the Ukrainian population. The population would virtually be wiped out!

The United Nations is failing the Ukrainian people!

NATO is failing the Ukrainian people!

The United States is failing the Ukrainian people!

All of these organizations claim to be defenders of human rights. But they are failing in their duty to actually defend human rights. 

Applying and supporting economic sanctions does not stop the human rights violations. Supplying weapons to the Ukrainian army does not stop the human rights violations, since it could take years for them to win the war.

I am not usually in favor of any war. But there are times when it cannot be avoided, and failure to engage those committing human rights violations on a massive and continuing scale is cowardice -- not prudence.

The United Nations cannot act because of their structure (with Russia having a veto over any proposed action). But the United States and NATO could act. 

At the very least, a no-fly zone could be established over Ukraine (including the Eastern provinces). This, along with supplying missile defenses, could stop much of the carnage. And the West should stop saying troops would not engage the Russians in Ukraine. That should be an option that Russia has to consider when violating human rights, and may actually be needed in the future.

It's easy to mouth platitudes about human rights. But it's time for the West to live up to their words.

Wednesday, September 22, 2021

President Biden's Speech To The United Nations (Transcript)

 

On September 21st, President Biden gave his first speech to the General Assembly of the United Nations. Here is what he told the world:

Mr. President, Mr. Secretary-General, my fellow delegates, to all those who dedicate themselves to this noble mission of this institution: It’s my honor to speak to you for the first time as President of the United States. 

We meet this year in a moment of — intermingled with great pain and extraordinary possibility.  We’ve lost so much to this devastating — this devastating pandemic that continues to claim lives around the world and impact so much on our existence. 

We’re mourning more than 4.5 million people — people of every nation from every background.  Each death is an individual heartbreak.  But our shared grief is a poignant reminder that our collective future will hinge on our ability to recognize our common humanity and to act together. 

Ladies and gentlemen, this is the clear and urgent choice that we face here at the dawning of what must be a decisive decade for our world — a decade that will quite literally determine our futures.

As a global community, we’re challenged by urgent and looming crises wherein lie enormous opportunities if — if — we can summon the will and resolve to seize these opportunities. 

Will we work together to save lives, defeat COVID-19 everywhere, and take the necessary steps to prepare ourselves for the next pandemic?  For there will be another one.  Or will we fail to harness the tools at our disposal as the more virulent and dangerous variants take hold?

Will we meet the threat of challenging climate — the challenging climate we’re all feeling already ravaging every part of our world with extreme weather?  Or will we suffer the merciless march of ever-worsening droughts and floods, more intense fires and hurricanes, longer heatwaves and rising seas?

Will we affirm and uphold the human dignity and human rights under which nations in common cause, more than seven decades ago, formed this institution? 

Will we apply and strengthen the core tenets of inter- — of the international system, including the U.N. Charter and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, as we seek to shape the emergence of new technologies and deter new threats?  Or will we allow these universal — those universal principles to be trampled and twisted in the pursuit of naked political power? 

In my view, how we answer these questions in this moment — whether we choose to fight for our shared future or not — will reverberate for generations yet to come.

Simply put: We stand, in my view, at an inflection point in history.  And I’m here today to share with you how the United States intends to work with partners and allies to answer these questions and the commitment of my new administration to help lead the world toward a more peaceful, prosperous future for all people.

Instead of continuing to fight the wars of the past, we are fixing our eyes on devoting our resources to the challenges that hold the keys to our collective future: ending this pandemic; addressing the climate crisis; managing the shifts in global power dynamics; shaping the rules of the world on vital issues like trade, cyber, and emerging technologies; and facing the threat of terrorism as it stands today.

We’ve ended 20 years of conflict in Afghanistan.  And as we close this period of relentless war, we’re opening a new era of relentless diplomacy; of using the power of our development aid to invest in new ways of lifting people up around the world; of renewing and defending democracy; of proving that no matter how challenging or how complex the problems we’re going to face, government by and for the people is still the best way to deliver for all of our people.

And as the United States turns our focus to the priorities and the regions of the world, like the Indo-Pacific, that are most consequential today and tomorrow, we’ll do so with our allies and partners, through cooperation at multilateral institutions like the United Nations, to amplify our collective strength and speed, our progress toward dealing with these global challenges.

There’s a fundamental truth of the 21st century within each of our own countries and as a global community that our own success is bound up with others succeeding as well.

To deliver for our own people, we must also engage deeply with the rest of the world. 

To ensure that our own future, we must work together with other partners — our partners — toward a shared future. 

Our security, our prosperity, and our very freedoms are interconnected, in my view, as never before.  And so, I believe we must work together as never before.

Over the last eight months, I have prioritized rebuilding our alliances, revitalizing our partnerships, and recognizing they’re essential and central to America’s enduring security and prosperity.

We have reaffirmed our sacred NATO Alliance to Article 5 commitment.  We’re working with our Allies toward a new strategic concept that will help our Alliance better take on evolving threats of today and tomorrow.

We renewed our engagement with the European Union, a fundamental partner in tackling the full range of significant issues facing our world today. 

We elevated the Quad partnership among Australia, India, Japan, and the United States to take on challenges ranging from health security to climate to emerging technologies.

We’re engaging with regional institutions — from ASEAN to the African Union to the Organization of American States — to focus on people’s urgent needs for better health and better economic outcomes. 

We’re back at the table in international forums, especially the United Nations, to focus attention and to spur global action on shared challenges. 

We are reengaged at the World Health Organization and working in close partnership with COVAX to deliver lifesaving vaccines around the world. 

We rejoined the Paris Climate Agreement, and we’re running to retake a seat on the Human Rights Council next year at the U.N.

And as the United States seeks to rally the world to action, we will lead not just with the example of our power but, God willing, with the power of our example.

Make no mistake: The United States will continue to defend ourselves, our Allies, and our interests against attack, including terrorist threats, as we prepare to use force if any is necessary, but — to defend our vital U.S. national interests, including against ongoing and imminent threats.

But the mission must be clear and achievable, undertaken with the informed consent of the American people and, whenever possible, in partnership with our Allies.

U.S. military power must be our tool of last resort, not our first, and it should not be used as an answer to every problem we see around the world.

Indeed, today, many of our greatest concerns cannot be solved or even addressed through the force of arms.  Bombs and bullets cannot defend against COVID-19 or its future variants.

To fight this pandemic, we need a collective act of science and political will.  We need to act now to get shots in arms as fast as possible and to expand access to oxygen, tests, treatments to save lives around the world.

And for the future, we need to create a new mechanism to finance global health security that builds on our existing development assistance, and Global Health Thr- — and a Global Health Threat Counc- — Council that is armed with the tools we need to monitor and identify emerging pandemics so that we can take immediate action.

Already, the United States has put more than $15 billion toward global COVID respon- — the global COVID response.  We’ve shipped more than 160 million doses of COVID-19 vaccine to other countries.  This includes 130 million doses from our own supply and the first tranches of the half a billion doses of Pfizer vaccine we purchased to donate through COVAX.

Planes carrying vaccines from the United States have already landed in 100 countries, bringing people all over the world a little “dose of hope,” as one American nurse termed it to me.  A “dose of hope,” direct from the American people — and, importantly, no strings attached.

And tomorrow, at the U.S.-hosted Global 19 — COVID-19 Summit, I’ll be announcing additional commitments as we seek to advance the fight against COVID-19 and hold ourselves accountable around specific targets on three key challenges: saving lives now, vaccinating the world, and building back better.

This year has also brought widespread death and devastation from the borderless climate crisis.  The extreme weather events that we have seen in every part of the world — and you all know it and feel it — represent what the Secretary-General has rightly called “code red for humanity.”  And the scientists and experts are telling us that we’re fast approaching a “point of no return,” in the literal sense.

To keep within our reach the vital goal of limiting global warming to 1.5 degrees Celsius, every nation needs to bring their highest-possible ambitions to the table when we meet in Glasgow for COP26 and then to have to keep raising our collective ambition over time.

In April, I announced the United States’ ambitious new goal under the Paris Agreement to reduce greenhouse gas emissions from the United States by 50 to 52 percent below 2005 levels by 2030, as we work toward achieving a clean-energy economy with net-zero emissions by 2050.

And my administration is working closely with our Congress to make the critical investments in green infrastructure and electric vehicles that will help us lock in progress at home toward our climate goals.

And the best part is: Making these ambitious investments isn’t just good climate policy, it’s a chance for each of our countries to invest in ourselves and our own future.  It’s an enormous opportunity to create good-paying jobs for workers in each of our countries and to spur long-term economic growth that will improve the quality of life for all of our people.

We also have to support the countries and people that will be hit hardest and that have the fewest resources to help them adapt. 

In April, I announced the United States will double our public international financing to help developing nations tackle the climate crisis.  And today, I’m proud to announce that we’ll work with the Congress to double that number again, including for adaptation efforts.

This will make the United States a leader in public climate finance.  And with our added support, together with increased private capital and other — from other donors, we’ll be able to meet the goal of mobilizing $100 billion to support climate action in developing nations.

As we deal with these crises, we’re also encountering a new era — an era of new technologies and possibilities that have the potential to release and reshape every aspect of human existence.  And it’s up to all of us to determine whether these technologies are a force to empower people or to deepen repression.

As new technologies continue to evolve, we’ll work together with our democratic partners to ensure that new advances in areas from biotechnology, to quantum computing, 5G, artificial intelligence, and more are used to lift people up, to solve problems, and advance human freedom — not to suppress dissent or target minority communities.

And the United States intends to make a profound investment in research and innovation, working with countries at all stages of economic development to develop new tools and technologies to help us tackle the challenges of this second quarter of the 21st century and beyond.

We’re hardening our critical infrastructure against cyberattacks, disrupting ransomware networks, and working to establish clear rules of the road for all nations as it relates to cyberspace. 

We reserve the right to respond decisively to cyberattacks that threaten our people, our allies, or our interests. 

We will pursue new rules of global trade and economic growth that strive to level the playing field so that it’s not artificially tipped in favor of any one country at the expense of others and every nation has a right and the opportunity to compete fairly.

We will strive to ensure that basic labor rights, environmental safeguards, and intellectual property are protected and that the benefits of globalization are shared broadly throughout all our societies.

We’ll continue to uphold the longstanding rules and norms that have formed the guardrails of international engagement for decades that have been essential to the development of nations around the world — bedrock commitments like freedom of navigation, adherence to international laws and treaties, support for arms control measures that reduce the res- — the risk and enhance transparency.

Our approach is firmly grounded and fully consistent with the United Nations’ mission and the values we’ve agreed to when we drafted this Charter.  These are commitments we all made and that we’re all bound to uphold.

And as we strive to deal with these urgent challenges, whether they’re longstanding or newly emerging, we must also deal with one another.

All the major powers of the world have a duty, in my view, to carefully manage their relationships so they do not tip

from responsible competition to conflict.

The United States will compete, and will compete vigorously, and lead with our values and our strength. 

We’ll stand up for our allies and our friends

and oppose attempts by stronger countries to dominate weaker ones, whether through changes to territory by force, economic coercion, technological exploitation, or disinformation.

But we’re not seeking — I’ll say it again — we are not seeking a new Cold War or a world divided into rigid blocs.

The United States is ready to work with any nation that steps up and pursues peaceful resolution to shared challenges,

even if we have intense disagreements in other areas — because we’ll all suffer the consequences of our failure if we do not come together to address the urgent threats like COVID-19 and climate change or enduring threats like nuclear proliferation.

The United States remains committed to preventing Ira- — to preventing Iran from gaining a nuclear weapon.  We are working with the P5+1 to engage Iran diplomatically and seek a return to the JCPOA.  We’re prepared to return to full compliance if Iran does the same. 

Similarly, we seek serious and sustained diplomacy to pursue the complete denuclearization of the Korean Peninsula.

We seek concrete progress toward an available plan with tangible commitments that would increase stability on the Peninsula and in the region, as well as improve the lives of the people in the Democratic People’s Republic of Korea.

We must also remain vigilant to the threat of terr- — that terrorism poses to all our nations, whether emanating from distant regions of the world or in our own backyards.

We know the bitter string [sic] of terrorism — the bitter sting of terrorism is — is real, and we’ve almost all experienced it.

Last month, we lost 13 American heroes and almost 200 innocent Afghan civilians in the heinous terrorist attack at the Kabul airport.

Those who commit acts of terrorism against us will continue to find a determined enemy in the United States.

The world today is not the world of 2001, though, and the United States is not the same country we were when we were attacked on 9/11, 20 years ago.

Today, we’re better equipped to detect and prevent terrorist threats, and we are more resilient in our ability to repel them and to respond.

We know how to build effective partnerships to dismantle terrorist networks by targeting their financing and support systems, countering their propaganda, preventing their travel, as well as disrupting imminent attacks.

We’ll meet terrorist threats that arise today and in the future with a full range of tools available to us, including working in cooperation with local partners so that we need not be so reliant on large-scale military deployments.

One of the most important ways we can effectively enhance security and reduce violence is by seeking to improve the lives of the people all over the world who see that their governments are not serving their needs.

Corruption fuels inequality, siphons off a nation’s resources, spreads across borders, and generates human suffering.  It is nothing less than a national security threat in the 21st century.

Around the world, we’re increasingly seeing citizens demonstrate their discontent seeing the wealthy and well-connected grow richer and richer, taking payoffs and bribes, operating above the law while the vast majority of the people struggle to find a job or put food on the table or to get their business off the ground or simply send their children to school.

People have taken to the streets in every region to demand that their governments address peoples’ basic needs, give everyone a fair shot to succeed, and protect their God-given rights.

And in that chorus of voices across languages and continents, we hear a common cry: a cry for dignity — simple dignity.  As leaders, it is our duty to answer that call, not to silence it. 

The United States is committing to use — committed to using our resources and our international platform to support these voices, listen to them, partner with them to find ways to respond that advance human dignity around the world.

For example, there is an enormous need for infrastructure in developing countries, but infrastructure that is low-quality or that feeds corruption or exacerbates environmental degradation may only end up contributing to greater challenges for countries over time.

Done the right way, however, with transparent, sustainable investment in projects that respond to the country’s needs and engage their local workers to maintain high labor and environmental standards, infrastructure can be a strong foundation that allows societies in low- and middle-income countries to grow and to prosper.

That’s the idea behind the Build Back Better World. 

And together with the private sector and our G7 partners, we aim to mobilize hundreds of billions of dollars in infrastructure investment.

We also — we’ll also continue to be the world’s largest contributor to humanitarian assistance, bringing food, water, shelter, emergency healthcare, and other vital, lifesaving aid to millions of people in need.

When the earthquake strikes, a typhoon rages, or a disaster anywhere in the world, the United States shows up.  We’ll be ready to help.

And at a time when nearly one in three people globally do not have access to adequate food — adequate food, just last year — the United States is committing to rallying our partners to address immediate malnutrition and to ensure that we can sustainably feed the world for decades to come.

To that end, the United States is making a $10 billion commitment to end hunger and invest in food systems at home and abroad.

Since 2000, the United States government has provided more than $140 billion to advance health and strengthen health systems, and we will continue our leadership to drive these vital investments to make peoples’ lives better every single day.  Just give them a little breathing room.

And as we strive to make lives better, we must work with renewed purpose to end the conflicts that are driving so much pain and hurt around the world.

We must redouble our diplomacy and commit to political negotiations, not violence, as the tool of first resort to manage tensions around the world.

We must seek a future of greater peace and security for all the people of the Middle East.

The commitment of the United States to Israel’s security is without question.  And a support — our support for an independent, Jewish state is unequivocal.

But I continue to believe that a two-state solution is the best way to ensure Israel — Israel’s future as a Jewish, democratic state living in peace alongside a viable, sovereign, and democratic Palestinian state.

We’re a long way from that goal at this moment, but we must never allow ourselves to give up on the possibility of progress.

We cannot give up on solving raging civil conflicts, including in Ethiopia and Yemen, where fighting between war- –warring parties is driving famine, horrori- — horrific violence, human rights violations against civilians, including the unconscionable use of rape as a weapon of war.

We will continue to work with the international community to press for peace and bring an end to this suffering. 

As we pursue diplomacy across the board, the United States will champion the democratic values that go to the very heart of who we are as a nation and a people: freedom, equality, opportunity, and a belief in the universal rights of all people.

It’s stamped into our DNA as a nation.  And critically, it’s stamped into the DNA of this institution — the United Nations.  We sometimes forget.

I quote the opening words of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, quote: “The equal and inalienable rights of all members of the human family is the foundation of freedom, justice, and peace in the world.”

The founding ethos of the United Nations places the rights of individuals at the center of our system, and that clarity and vision must not be ignored or misinterpreted.

The United States will do our part, but we will be more successful and more impactful if all of our nations are working toward the full mission to which we are called. 

That’s why more than 100 nations united agai- — around a shared statement and the Security Council adopted a resolution outlining how we’ll support the people of Afghanistan moving forward, laying out the expectations to which we will hold the Taliban when it comes to respecting universal human rights. 

We all must advocate for women — the rights of women and girls to use their full talents to contribute economically, politically, and socially and pursue their dreams free of violence and intimidation — from Central America to the Middle East, to Africa, to Afghanistan — wherever it appears in the world.

We all must call out and condemn the targeting and oppression of racial, ethnic, and religious minorities when it occurs in — whether it occurs in Xinjiang or northern Ethiopia or anywhere in the world.

We all must defend the rights of LGBTQI individuals so they can live and love openly without fear, whether it’s Chechnya or Cameroon or anywhere.

As we steer our — steer our nations toward this inflection point and work to meet today’s fast-moving, cross-cutting challenges, let me be clear: I am not agnostic about the future we want for the world. 

The future will belong to those who embrace human dignity, not trample it. 

The future will belong to those who unleash the potential of their people, not those who stifle it.

The future will belong to those who give their people the ability to breathe free, not those who seek to suffocate their people with an iron hand.

Authoritarianism — the authoritarianism of the world may seek to proclaim the end of the age of democracy, but they’re wrong.

The truth is: The democratic world is everywhere.  It lives in the anti-corruption activists, the human rights defenders, the journalists, the peace protestors on the frontlines of this struggle in Belarus, Burma, Syria, Cuba, Venezuela, and everywhere in between.

It lives in the brave women of Sudan who withstood violence and oppression to push a genocidal dictator from power and who keep working every day to defend their democratic progress.

It lives in the proud Moldovans who helped deliver a landslide victory for the forces of democracy, with a mandate to fight graft, to build a more inclusive economy.

It lives in the young people of Zambia who harnessed the power of their vote for the first time, turning out in record numbers to denounce corruption and chart a new path for their country.

And while no democracy is perfect, including the United States — who will continue to struggle to live up to the highest ideals to heal our divisions, and we face down violence and insurrection — democracy remains the best tool we have to unleash our full human potential.

My fellow leaders, this is a moment where we must prove ourselves the equals of those who have come before us, who with vision and values and determined faith in our collective future built our United Nations, broke the cycle of war and destruction, and laid the foundations for more than seven decades of relative peace and growing global prosperity. 

Now we must again come together to affirm the inherent humanity that unites us is much greater than any outward divisions or disagreements.

We must choose to do more than we think we can do alone so that we accomplish what we must, together: ending this pandemic and making sure we’re better prepared for the next one; staving off climactic climate change and increasing our resilience to the impacts we already are seeing; ensuring a future where technologies are a vital tool to solving human challenges and empowering human potential, not a source of greater strife and repression.

These are the challenges that we — will determine what the world looks like for our children and our grandchildren, and what they’ll inherit.  We can only meet them by looking to the future. 

I stand here today, for the first time in 20 years, with the United States not at war.  We’ve turned the page.

All the unmatched strength, energy, commitment, will, and resources of our nation are now fully and squarely focused on what’s ahead of us, not what was behind.

I know this: As we look ahead, we will lead.  We will lead on all the greatest challenges of our time — from COVID to climate, peace and security, human dignity and human rights.  But we will not go it alone. 

We will lead together with our Allies and partners and in cooperation with all those who believe, as we do, that this is within our power to meet these challenges, to build a future that lifts all of our people and preserves this planet. 

But none of this is inevitable; it’s a choice.  And I can tell you where America stands: We will choose to build a better future.  We — you and I –- we have the will and capacity to make it better. 

Ladies and gentlemen, we cannot afford to waste any more time.  Let’s get to work.  Let’s make our better future now.

We can do this.  It’s within our power and capacity. 

Thank you, and God bless you all.