Showing posts with label TPP. Show all posts
Showing posts with label TPP. Show all posts
Friday, January 27, 2017
American Public Supports Trump's Killing Of The TPP
Americans still aren't sure about the presidency of Donald Trump, but he has done one thing a significant majority does approve -- he has killed the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP). The TPP was probably already dead anyway, but Trump has now made sure of that.
Trump's action is no surprise, since he railed against the TPP during his election campaign. And it's also no surprise that 56% of the population supports the death of the TPP. A significant number both of the left and the right were unhappy with the agreement as it was.
Personally, I agree with that 56%. The TPP gave far to much power to the multi-national corporations, and it provided far too few protections for American workers (and workers in other parts of the world).
The chart above was made from information in a new Rasmussen Poll -- done on January 23rd and 24th of a random national sample of 1,000 likely voters, with a margin of error of 3 points.
Thursday, June 18, 2015
Most Think The Effects Of The TPP Would Be Unfair
Why is there such a struggle to get the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) passed, when other trade bills have easily passed Congress. Robert Reich (pictured) thinks it is because most Americans believe it would not be fair for all. They see it as another way to make the rich even richer, while hurting other people (by exporting jobs and suppressing wages). I agree. Here is how Reich explains it on his own blog:
How can it be that the largest pending trade deal in history – a deal backed both by a Democratic president and Republican leaders in Congress – is nearly dead?
The Trans Pacific Partnership may yet squeak through Congress but its near-death experience offers an important lesson.
It’s not that labor unions have regained political power (union membership continues to dwindle and large corporations have more clout in Washington than ever) or that the President is especially weak (no president can pull off a major deal like this if the public isn’t behind him).
The biggest lesson is most Americans no longer support free trade.
It used to be an article of faith that trade was good for America.
Economic theory told us so: Trade allows nations to specialize in what they do best, thereby fueling growth. And growth, we were told, is good for everyone.
But such arguments are less persuasive in this era of staggering inequality.
For decades almost all the gains from growth have been going to a small sliver of Americans at the top – while most peoples’ wages have stagnated, adjusted for inflation.
Economists point to overall benefits from expanded trade. All of us gain access to cheaper goods and services.
But in recent years the biggest gains from trade have gone to investors and executives, while the burdens have fallen disproportionately on those in the middle and below who have lost good-paying jobs.
So even though everyone gains from trade, the biggest winners are at the top. And as the top keeps moving higher compared to most of the rest of us, the vast majority feels relatively worse off.
To illustrate the point, consider a simple game I conduct with my students. I have them split up into pairs and ask them to imagine I’m giving $1,000 to one member of each pair.
I tell them the recipients can keep some of the money only on condition they reach a deal with their partner on how it’s to be divided up. They have to offer their partner a portion of the $1,000, and their partner must either accept or decline. If the partner declines, neither of them gets a penny.
You might think many recipients of the imaginary $1,000 would offer their partner one dollar, which the partner would gladly accept. After all, a dollar is better than nothing. Everyone is better off.
But that’s not what happens. Most partners decline any offer under $250 – even though that means neither of them gets anything.
This game, and variations of it, have been played by social scientists thousands of times with different groups and pairings, and with remarkably similar results.
A far bigger version of the game is being played on the national stage as a relative handful of Americans receive ever-larger slices of the total national income while most Americans, working harder than ever, receive smaller ones.
And just as in the simulations, those receiving the smaller slices are starting to say “no deal.”
Some might attribute this response to envy or spite. But when I ask my students why they refused to accept anything less than $250 and thereby risked getting nothing at all, they say it’s worth the price of avoiding unfairness.
Remember, I gave out the $1,000 arbitrarily. The initial recipients didn’t have to work for it or be outstanding in any way.
When a game seems arbitrary, people are often willing to sacrifice gains for themselves in order to prevent others from walking away with far more – a result that strikes them as inherently wrong.
The American economy looks increasingly arbitrary, as CEOs of big firms now rake in 300 times more than the wages of average workers, while two-thirds of Americans live paycheck to paycheck.
Some of my students who refused anything less than $250 also say they feared allowing the initial recipient to keep a disproportionately large share would give him the power to rig the game even more in the future.
Here again, America’s real-life distributional game is analogous, as a few at the top gain increasing political power to alter the rules of the game to their advantage.
If the American economy continues to create a few big winners and many who feel like losers by comparison, free trade won’t be the only casualty.
Losers are likely to find many other ways to say “no deal.”
Wednesday, June 17, 2015
The TPP Didn't Pass Last Week - But It's Not Dead Yet
(This cartoon image, found at The Daily Call, is by Brian Duffy.)
The GOP House leadership wants the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to pass, even though it is being negotiated by the president they hate. They want it because the giant corporations want it -- and they get too much money from those corporations to oppose anything they want. But they had a problem -- they weren't at all sure that they had the votes to pass it. Many in their own party didn't like the provision in the bill that would supply help to workers that lost jobs because of the TPP, and many Democrats didn't like the portions of the bill that would give enormous power to corporations and encourage more offshoring of jobs.
So those GOP House leaders thought up a "brilliant" plan to get it passed. They decided to divide the Senate-passed bill into three parts -- with part one providing funds for displaced workers, part two giving the president fast-track authority, and part three punishing nations that tried to subvert the agreement by doing things like manipulating their currency. They figured the Democrats (with a few Republicans) would provide a victory for part one, and they could count on their own party members (with a few Democrats) to pass parts two and three.
But House Democrats saw through the devious plan, and they turned the table on GOP leaders. They joined the right-wing Republicans who hated part one, and voted against it. That meant part one went down to a crushing defeat, with over 300 "no" votes. Parts two and three were passed, but the bill could not be sent to the president without part one -- and that left House leaders in a quandary.
Speaker Boehner immediately called for another vote on part one of the bill, and it was thought that vote could happen as soon as this week. But over the weekend, it became clear they could not get enough members to change their votes in time to get it passed this week. The best they could do is extend the deadline for passage of the bill to July 30th -- giving them another month-and-a-half to find a solution and get the TPP bill passed.
They have three options, which are described below by Scott Long and Mike Lillia in The Hill. I don't think option three is viable, because Senate Democrats would not accept it. Option one is also a long shot, because it would require most of the Democratic caucus to change their votes. That leaves option two, which I believe is the avenue they will finally choose -- but it is not a sure thing either. It will be interesting to watch the political machinations regarding this bill in the next few days (or weeks). It still could go either way -- a victory or a defeat for the TPP. Here are their options:
The GOP House leadership wants the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) to pass, even though it is being negotiated by the president they hate. They want it because the giant corporations want it -- and they get too much money from those corporations to oppose anything they want. But they had a problem -- they weren't at all sure that they had the votes to pass it. Many in their own party didn't like the provision in the bill that would supply help to workers that lost jobs because of the TPP, and many Democrats didn't like the portions of the bill that would give enormous power to corporations and encourage more offshoring of jobs.
So those GOP House leaders thought up a "brilliant" plan to get it passed. They decided to divide the Senate-passed bill into three parts -- with part one providing funds for displaced workers, part two giving the president fast-track authority, and part three punishing nations that tried to subvert the agreement by doing things like manipulating their currency. They figured the Democrats (with a few Republicans) would provide a victory for part one, and they could count on their own party members (with a few Democrats) to pass parts two and three.
But House Democrats saw through the devious plan, and they turned the table on GOP leaders. They joined the right-wing Republicans who hated part one, and voted against it. That meant part one went down to a crushing defeat, with over 300 "no" votes. Parts two and three were passed, but the bill could not be sent to the president without part one -- and that left House leaders in a quandary.
Speaker Boehner immediately called for another vote on part one of the bill, and it was thought that vote could happen as soon as this week. But over the weekend, it became clear they could not get enough members to change their votes in time to get it passed this week. The best they could do is extend the deadline for passage of the bill to July 30th -- giving them another month-and-a-half to find a solution and get the TPP bill passed.
They have three options, which are described below by Scott Long and Mike Lillia in The Hill. I don't think option three is viable, because Senate Democrats would not accept it. Option one is also a long shot, because it would require most of the Democratic caucus to change their votes. That leaves option two, which I believe is the avenue they will finally choose -- but it is not a sure thing either. It will be interesting to watch the political machinations regarding this bill in the next few days (or weeks). It still could go either way -- a victory or a defeat for the TPP. Here are their options:
VOTE ON TAA AGAIN
What might be the easiest of several options is still a heavy lift for backers of the president’s trade agenda.
As GOP leaders have suggested, the House could soon vote again on the workers aid program — a vote that, if successful, would send the fast-track legislation to Obama’s desk.
The challenge is that, following Friday’s 126-302 vote against TAA, Obama and Boehner need more than 90 lawmakers to switch their votes from no to yes. And after bucking the president and voting to derail his trade package on Friday, there are few political upsides for Democrats to reverse course now.
Rep. Henry Cuellar (Texas), a pro-trade Democrat, said Monday that he’s pushing the idea of sweetening TAA to provide Democrats more incentive to get on board — something along the lines of Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi’s (D-Calif.) recent proposal to include a highway funding bill alongside trade legislation.
“I think we could get a few more Republicans, but the question is: How do you get more Democrats over here?” Cuellar said.
While it’s highly improbable Democratic rebels would switch their TAA votes en masse, there are a handful who expressed a willingness to reconsider their votes the second time around.
Rep. Luis GutiƩrrez, who like Obama is a Chicago Democrat, initially told his colleagues during a closed-door caucus meeting last week he would vote for the aid bill and against fast-track. But when the vote was called Friday, he reneged and voted against both.
His spokesman said GutiĆ©rrez “wanted to make clear that he opposed TPA.”
On the GOP side, leadership aides have said they don’t expect to add many more Republicans to their TAA tally. They’ve topped out at around 93 GOP yes votes, and Democrats must vote for TAA if they don’t want the multibillion-dollar program to expire in September, aides said. But one GOP lawmaker predicted there were dozens of other Republicans prepared to switch their votes to yes if there was movement on the Democratic side of the aisle.
“I think that there are probably 30 to 40 Republicans that would change their vote from no to yes, and so they are trying to get another 30 to 40 Democrats from no to yes so that they can move it forward,” the GOP lawmaker said Monday.
Lawmakers watching Friday’s failed TAA roll call on the electronic vote board said there was a group of Republicans who waited until the last second to cast their vote, suggesting they might be open to supporting the aid legislation.
They included North Carolina Reps. Richard Hudson and George Holding, GOP sources said, though a Hudson aide denied he would flip his vote. Another possible yes vote is conservative Rep. Tom McClintock (R-Calif.), who had been whipping support for the fast-track bill but voted no on TAA.
“People like that could potentially switch,” the GOP lawmaker said.
VOTE ON ENTIRE SENATE TRADE PACKAGE
The Senate-passed trade bill, which combined TAA and TPA, was cobbled together to attract enough bipartisan support to defeat a Democratic filibuster. It just squeaked by, with 62 senators — including 14 Democrats — voting in favor.
House GOP leaders decided to split the package into separate votes, hoping there would be enough Democratic support to move the TAA piece, while Republicans would do the heavy lifting on TPA. That strategy collapsed when Democrats, behind Pelosi, killed TAA.
If TAA fails a second time, GOP leaders might decide to push the Senate package as a whole. Rep. Gerry Connolly (Va.), another pro-trade Democrat, predicted Monday that they have the votes to pass it, though it would be a nail-biter due to opposition on both sides of the aisle.
“I don’t think there’s some magic formula that President Obama can put on the table and make all of the Democratic concerns about TPA disappear. And I don’t think there’s some magic formula that John Boehner can put on the table to make all of the Republican concerns about TAA disappear,” Connolly said. “I don’t think there are any easy options here.”
A House Democratic leadership aide said Monday that there wouldn’t likely be any significant Democratic defections, making the whip counting easier for Republicans whipping the vote.
“Any Democrat who is already on the record supporting TPA has a very clear, vested interest in seeing it pass,” said the aide, whose boss supports Obama’s trade agenda.
VOTE ON A STAND-ALONE TPA BILL
A third option: The House could vote again on just the fast-track bill and either send it to the Senate or try to merge it with the Senate-passed package.
But both of those scenarios have their challenges.
Because a stand-alone TPA bill would not be tied to a workers’ aid provision, aides believe the legislation would lose support from the 14 Senate Democrats who helped pass it last time.
The absence of the TAA legislation would also erode support in the White House. Cuellar said he’s been in several conversations with administration officials since Friday’s vote, and they’ve vowed not to back any trade package that excludes the additional help for workers displaced by trade deals.
“They personally told me they’re not going to deal without TAA,” he said.
Saturday, June 13, 2015
House Democrats Stop The TPP - At Least For Now
The graphic above is a feel-good one for those of us opposed to the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP), but it may be a bit premature. The TPP was stopped on Friday in the House, but it may be taken up again next week.
The Republican leadership thought they had barely enough votes to get the bill passed. They were wrong. They were surprised by the Democrats voting against a provision of the bill that Democrats normally support.
The TPP bill was divided into three parts -- one that provided assistance for workers who lose their jobs because of the TPP, one that gave the president "fast track" authority (to ask Congress for an up or down vote on the finished product - without amendment), and the last to provide for sanctions against countries that try to get around the TPP by doing things like manipulating their currency. The last two provisions passed the House, but cannot go to the president for his signature because the first failed (and the Senate had approved all three).
House GOP leaders knew that a lot of their own party would vote against the first part (assistance to workers losing their jobs), and they were right -- 158 Republicans voted against that (because helping workers is not their thing -- helping corporations is what they do). They had counted on Democrats to make up the difference because helping workers is the part of the bill that Democrats liked.
But the Democrats pulled a fast one. They knew that to stop the TPP they had to defeat at least one provision of the bill -- and they also knew there would be a lot of Republicans voting against assisting workers, so most Democrats joined those Republicans and defeated that provision of the bill(126 for and 302 against). That effectively stopped the TPP, because the bill would then have to go back to the Senate (where it would not pass without the worker assistance provision).
But the TPP is not completely dead yet. Speaker Boehner immediately asked for another vote on the worker assistance provision -- and that vote will be done next week (probably on Tuesday). Will the Democrats vote against their own provision again? Can GOP leaders convince enough Republicans to vote for the worker assistance provision? Those answers are anybody's guess right now -- but if the provision fails again next week, then the TPP is as good as dead.
It's not a victory yet. But it could be next week. We'll just have to keep our fingers crossed.
Thursday, June 11, 2015
Green Party Says TPP Is Another Dirty Government Secret
A little truth about the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) from Green Party Shadow Cabinet member Jim Goodman:
“The TPP (Trans-Pacific Partnership) is not a secret”, according to President Obama. “Any member of Congress can look at it”. True, but no notes, no pictures, no copies, no discussion. So, of course TPP is not a secret, most everyone with access to any form of media has heard of it, but what's in the text of TPP, that's the secret.
And recently, TPP is getting lots of press. The Administration touts it as really the greatest thing since sliced bread. Labor unions, environmentalists and left leaning economists describe it as more of the same, or worse, than previous free trade agreements.
I fully agree with the opponents, it may benefit corporations and the wealthy, but most people are not wealthy, most people work hard to make ends meet and free trade deals, it seems, have always made our lives worse. The Administration can dispute it, but the details, the dirty inner-workings, are secret.
Stan Sorscher notes that if someone like, say Senator Elizabeth Warren, were to tell her constituents about the provisions of TPP, she would be in violation of national security secrecy laws and could be accused of treason.
Interesting how sharing corporate trade policy could be deemed treasonous but David Petraeus can share classified information about the military with no charge of treason. Clearly, corporate profit is the top priority of national security.
The TPP is a “trade agreement” between 12 Asia Pacific region nations and its counterpart TTIP (Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership) between the US and the European Union, are billed as “free trade” agreements, but they have little to do with trade.
At this point it seems we have no shortage of goods imported from the TTP and TTIP countries, electronics from Korea, Nike shoes from Vietnam, there seems to be plenty of trade going on.
We seem to be trading pretty regularly with the EU as well, plenty of US grain goes to European terminals, there are plenty of BMW's and Volvo's on US highways, I see plenty of French, Italian and Spanish wine in the stores.
The US exports plenty of transportation equipment, chemicals and machinery to TPP countries in Asia and we have also exported plenty of our manufacturing jobs to Vietnam and other countries.
From a practical point of view it would make more sense if we made our own shoes and computers. We should grow less grain for European (and American) livestock and more food for ourselves. We could actually pay workers here a fair wage and US workers could afford to buy US goods and perhaps own a home and send their kids to college.
Trade is good, but but “free trade” doesn't work for farmers or workers or most everyone else. Free trade does, however, work spectacularly well for corporations who have over 600 advisers to the TPP negotiations--- we have no access to the negotiations, corporations have plenty.
In farm country we are told these trade deals will allow us to export more goods and in so doing, increase our profits. I have farmed for a good many years and I have, over the course of that time, known many farmers, most of them who farm on a much larger scale than I do. I have yet to meet a farmer who directly exports abroad, or even one who has the volume of product or operational infrastructure to do so.
Farmers products ultimately end up in the hands of some corporate entity, a Multi-national Corporation who does the exporting/importing and generally takes most of the profit. Granted there are probably some farmers who do their own exporting and do well financially, as there could be some blue-collar workers who have a summer home in the Hamptons.
TPP has 29 chapters, only 5 of which deal with trade issues, so what do the other chapters deal with and why the secrecy? Former Obama trade advisor Ron Kirk opposed making the text of TPP public because doing so would raise such public opposition that getting it signed would be impossible--- so much for living in a democracy.
Remember the “toxic assets” the risky derivatives produced by Wall Street bankers that nearly sank the world economy in 2008? And remember that regulations (albeit weak at best) were put in place to prevent Wall Street from playing fast and loose with financial markets in the future? Well, TPP would make it almost impossible to ban those activities, after all, former Wall St. bankerMichael Froman is President Obama’s principal advisor, negotiator and spokesperson on international trade and investment issues.
Remember the North American Free Trade Agreement (NAFTA) described by Ross Perot as “the giant sucking sound” of US jobs being outsourced to Mexico? Well, TTP will do nothing to reduce the incentives for corporations to outsource even more jobs.
Most Americans support country of origin food labels (COOL), but that right was taken away by a recent ruling of the World Trade Organization (WTO), and pending trade deals will not restore it.
Then there is the 800 pound gorilla of TPP and TTIP, the Investor-State Dispute Settlement (ISDS) provision.
Under ISDS the right of an investor to make a profit could not be restricted. If countries involved in the trade deal were to enact environmental protection laws, food labeling laws, laws guaranteeing access to lower cost generic drugs, they can be sued by corporations who feel these laws have restricted their potential profits.
In effect, a US corporation could, through a foreign subsidiary, sue the US government, but it would not have to do so in domestic courts. The merit of the lawsuit would be judged by a panel of arbitrators, lawyers, who could be representatives of the plaintiff! Again, so much for democracy.
As a farmer, who, as President Obama says, will be one of the prime beneficiaries of these new free trade deals, I say, no I will not benefit, nor will anyone else save those corporate entities who have already benefited too much from the income disparity, the environmental destruction and the idea that economic growth is all that matters.
Tuesday, June 09, 2015
Warren (& Clinton) Oppose ISDS Provision Of The TPP

The odious Trans-Pacific Partnership "free trade agreement" has passed the Senate with a "fast track" provision that would prevent any amendment to protect American workers by Congress. Now it is up to the House of Representatives to pass or reject this bill (without amendments).But it is not just the harm it would do to American workers that makes this a very bad bill. It also contains a provision (ISDS) that would allow corporations to overrule the laws of the countries agreeing to the TPP -- including the laws of the United States. Is this what we want? Do you really want a corporation to be able to disregard laws passed to protect the safety or financial security of American citizens?
Here is what Elizabeth Warren has to say about this terrible provision of the TPP:
I agree with Hillary Clinton
By Elizabeth Warren
I have serious concerns about ISDS – a policy in the new TPP trade agreement that would let foreign companies challenge American laws outside of American courts.
I’ll give you a recent example of how it works: A big mining company wanted to do some blasting off the coast of Nova Scotia. The Canadian government refused to provide permits because it thought the blasting would harm the local environment and scare off fish that local fishermen needed to make a living.
Thanks to an ISDS provision in a past trade agreement, that mining company didn’t have to go to a Canadian court to challenge the permit decision – they went right to a special ISDS panel of corporate lawyers. Last month, the international panel ruled in favor of the mining company, and the decision cannot be challenged in Canadian courts.
Now the Canadian taxpayers may be on the hook for up to $300 million in “damages” to the mining company – all because their government had the gall to stand up for its environment and the economic livelihood of its local fishermen. And the next time a foreign company wants a blasting permit, what will the Canadian government do?
ISDS isn’t a one-time, hypothetical problem – we’ve seen it in past trade agreements. Just in the past few years:
I’ll give you a recent example of how it works: A big mining company wanted to do some blasting off the coast of Nova Scotia. The Canadian government refused to provide permits because it thought the blasting would harm the local environment and scare off fish that local fishermen needed to make a living.
Thanks to an ISDS provision in a past trade agreement, that mining company didn’t have to go to a Canadian court to challenge the permit decision – they went right to a special ISDS panel of corporate lawyers. Last month, the international panel ruled in favor of the mining company, and the decision cannot be challenged in Canadian courts.
Now the Canadian taxpayers may be on the hook for up to $300 million in “damages” to the mining company – all because their government had the gall to stand up for its environment and the economic livelihood of its local fishermen. And the next time a foreign company wants a blasting permit, what will the Canadian government do?
ISDS isn’t a one-time, hypothetical problem – we’ve seen it in past trade agreements. Just in the past few years:
- A French company sued Egypt after Egypt raised its minimum wage.
- A Swedish company sued Germany because Germany wanted to phase out nuclear power for safety reasons.
- A Dutch company sued the Czech Republic because the Czech Republic didn't bail out a bank that the Dutch company partially owned.
- Philip Morris is using ISDS right now to try to stop countries like Australia and Uruguay from implementing new rules that are intended to cut smoking rates – because the new laws might eat into the tobacco giant’s profits.
The Obama Administration has said that they have fixed all the problems, and nothing like that will happen here. They just won’t show you how.
I’m not the only one worried about ISDS. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wrote in her book last year:
I’m not the only one worried about ISDS. Former Secretary of State Hillary Clinton wrote in her book last year:
"We should avoid some of the provisions sought by business interests, including our own, like giving them or their investors the power to sue foreign governments to weaken their environmental and public health rules, as Philip Morris is already trying to do in Australia. The United States should be advocating a level and fair playing field, not special favors."
In March, more than a hundred law professors from all around the country wrote a letter about their concerns about ISDS. And five of the country’s top legal and economic experts – Joseph Stiglitz, Larry Tribe, Judith Resnik, Cruz Reynoso, and H. Lee Sarokin – all agree:
"ISDS weakens the rule of law by removing the procedural protections of the legal system and using a system of adjudication with limited accountability and review. It is antithetical to the fair, public, and effective legal system that all Americans expect and deserve. Proponents of ISDS have failed to explain why our legal system is inadequate to the task. For the reasons cited above, we urge you to uphold the best ideals of our legal system and ensure ISDS is excluded from upcoming trade agreements."
This isn't a partisan issue. I don’t often agree with the conservative Cato Institute, and I suspect they don’t often agree with me. But the head of Cato’s trade policy program said:
"[ISDS] raises serious questions about democratic accountability, sovereignty, checks and balances, and the separation of power... Sen. Warren’s perspective on ISDS is one that libertarians and other free market advocates should share."
The Obama Administration says you have nothing to worry about – to trust them that nothing could possibly go wrong. But they won’t release the text of the TPP agreement to the public for you to see it for yourself.
Frankly, "just trust us" isn’t good enough – not for a trade deal that multinational corporations have been working on for years while the public has been kept in the dark.
Frankly, "just trust us" isn’t good enough – not for a trade deal that multinational corporations have been working on for years while the public has been kept in the dark.
Friday, May 29, 2015
Why Do Americans Like Free Trade Agreements ?
President Obama is currently negotiating a free trade agreement with Pacific nations -- the Trans-pacific Partnership (TPP). I think this is a bad deal for Americans, especially American workers. Just like other free trade agreements (NAFTA, CAFTA, etc.), this agreement will encourage the offshoring of U.S. jobs and result in a further downward pressure on worker wages in the United States.
And it seems that a significant number of Americans agree with me about jobs and wages 9see the charts above). All of the charts on this page were made from a new survey by the Pew Research Center. They questioned a random national sample of 2,002 adults between May12th and 18th (and the survey had a margin of error of 2.5 points). Note that 46% said free trade agreements costs this country jobs, while only 28% said they create jobs. And a similar 46% said they result in lower wages for U.S. workers, while only 33% said they raise wages.
Looking at those results, one might think that most Americans would oppose free trade agreements (including the TPP), but that would be wrong. As the chart below shows, 58% of Americans believe free trade agreements have been good for the country. How could this be? The bottom chart gives us a clue. It seems that a plurality of Americans say free trade agreements lower the price of goods.
Personally, I find that to be sad -- and very troubling. A lot of Americans seem to be willing to throw American workers under to bus to save a few pennies on the things they buy. In my opinion, this is backwards. We should be willing to pay a few pennies more to keep good jobs in this country (and help American workers make a decent wage).
Thursday, May 14, 2015
Senate Democrats Fold Like A Cheap Napkin
Yesterday I posted about the Senate Democrats banding together to defeat a cloture motion that would have brought the "fast track" version of the TPP to the Senate floor. I thought those Democrats had acted to protect American workers and consumers, and to keep corporations from giving enormous new powers to mega-corporations (enough power to overrule government laws and actions). I was wrong.
Just one day later, probably with pressure from the White House, enough Democrats have backed down to allow a vote on the TPP. In an effort to save some face, they claim the Republicans have promised to allow a vote on four other bills that had been delayed by the GOP. Sadly though none of those bills are as important, or will have as big an effect on this country, as the TPP bill (which Congress cannot amend).
Even sadder is the fact that only two of those four bills will be voted on before the vote to bring the TPP bill to the Senate floor -- the two that are non-controversial, and were blocked just to irritate Democrats. After getting what they wanted (a vote on the TPP bill) the Republicans can easily kill the other two bills (both of which need 60 votes to pass.
The Senate Democrats didn't just fold, they got conned by Mitch McConnell and the Republicans. I am both ashamed and disgusted by the Senate Democrats.
(The image above is from Democracy in Action.)
Just one day later, probably with pressure from the White House, enough Democrats have backed down to allow a vote on the TPP. In an effort to save some face, they claim the Republicans have promised to allow a vote on four other bills that had been delayed by the GOP. Sadly though none of those bills are as important, or will have as big an effect on this country, as the TPP bill (which Congress cannot amend).
Even sadder is the fact that only two of those four bills will be voted on before the vote to bring the TPP bill to the Senate floor -- the two that are non-controversial, and were blocked just to irritate Democrats. After getting what they wanted (a vote on the TPP bill) the Republicans can easily kill the other two bills (both of which need 60 votes to pass.
The Senate Democrats didn't just fold, they got conned by Mitch McConnell and the Republicans. I am both ashamed and disgusted by the Senate Democrats.
(The image above is from Democracy in Action.)
Wednesday, May 13, 2015
TPP Suffers A Crushing Defeat In The U.S. Senate
(Photo of Senator Warren and President Obama is from Mother Jones.)
President Obama has been negotiating a new trade agreement with the Pacific nations (called the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP). The contents of that agreement have been kept secret, and the president has asked Congress to"fast track" the agreement -- i.e., pass it without knowing what's in it, or without Congress having the ability to change it.
This was fine with Republicans, because they love free trade agreements -- agreements that help corporations and hurt workers. But a group of progressives in the Senate, led by Senator Elizabeth Warren, thinks this deal (like other trade agreements) is a bad deal for American workers and consumers -- and believe it will give the giant corporations the ability to offshore more American jobs, and possibly even overrule governments (including our own government).
On Tuesday, Majority Leader Mitchell tried to cut off a filibuster by those progressive Democrats and bring the bill to the Senate floor for a vote. Most believed he had the 60 votes to do that. But the discontent among many senators was underestimated. Every Democrat but one, and both Independent Senators, voted against the cloture motion -- and it fell 8 votes short of the 60 needed. The vote was 52 to 47.
This was a crushing defeat for the TPP fast-track bill. It could still be brought back up, but unless it is opened for examination and allowed to be amended by Congress, it will probably be defeated again. I couldn't be prouder of the Senate Democrats. They stood firm against the mega-corporations, and in support of American workers. This is a bad bill as it stands, and unless it is changed they should remain firm in their opposition.
President Obama has been negotiating a new trade agreement with the Pacific nations (called the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP). The contents of that agreement have been kept secret, and the president has asked Congress to"fast track" the agreement -- i.e., pass it without knowing what's in it, or without Congress having the ability to change it.
This was fine with Republicans, because they love free trade agreements -- agreements that help corporations and hurt workers. But a group of progressives in the Senate, led by Senator Elizabeth Warren, thinks this deal (like other trade agreements) is a bad deal for American workers and consumers -- and believe it will give the giant corporations the ability to offshore more American jobs, and possibly even overrule governments (including our own government).
On Tuesday, Majority Leader Mitchell tried to cut off a filibuster by those progressive Democrats and bring the bill to the Senate floor for a vote. Most believed he had the 60 votes to do that. But the discontent among many senators was underestimated. Every Democrat but one, and both Independent Senators, voted against the cloture motion -- and it fell 8 votes short of the 60 needed. The vote was 52 to 47.
This was a crushing defeat for the TPP fast-track bill. It could still be brought back up, but unless it is opened for examination and allowed to be amended by Congress, it will probably be defeated again. I couldn't be prouder of the Senate Democrats. They stood firm against the mega-corporations, and in support of American workers. This is a bad bill as it stands, and unless it is changed they should remain firm in their opposition.
Tuesday, May 12, 2015
Merkley Gives Us His Reasons For Opposing The TPP
U.S. Senator Jeff Merkley (D-Oregon) sent this missive to his supporters, outlining his reasons for not being able to support the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) at this time. I post it below because I think he stated his position very well (and I agree with him):
I have one and only one measuring stick for a trade deal: Does it create good-paying jobs and raise living standards for American workers, or not?
Right now, the United States is considering a major trade deal known as the Trans-Pacific Partnership, or TPP. While this is being negotiated, Congress is also considering so-called “fast track” authority to move the trade deal quickly through the legislative process.
I have some concerns.
The American people deserve an opportunity to review the deal and make their voices heard. So far, that hasn’t happened.
Second, we’re negotiating the rules of trade for the next century, but ignoring one of the single biggest factors pushing good American jobs overseas: countries like China manipulating the value of their currencies.
That currency manipulation artificially makes their goods and services cheaper and Americans' more expensive. In Oregon, we have a word for that - cheating. We shouldn't agree to trade deals that don't end it.
Third, the TPP and future trade deals need to let American businesses and workers compete on a level playing field. They need to ensure strong labor and environmental standards abroad, and promise tough enforcement to make those standards real.
Lastly, we shouldn't set up special tribunals for foreign companies to challenge laws that protect Americans' health, safety, financial well-being and environment. Yet the TPP includes "investor-state dispute" provisions that have been used in other agreements to sue for bans on fracking in Canada and anti-smoking regulations in Australia.
We’ve seen time and again how trade deals pitched as boons to the economy actually made American workers worse off. They've increased America’s trade deficit, sending more and more American jobs overseas. Those jobs are often replaced with low-wage service jobs, driving wages down across the economy.
Trade can't benefit America if it hurts most Americans. We need to get the rules right, and make the best interests of America's middle class overall the measuring stick. I know lots of people on both sides of the trade debate share that goal, but in my opinion we're not there yet and I'll keep fighting for American workers.
This issue is far from settled. Keep watching.
Jeff
Wednesday, March 18, 2015
Warren Asks Public To Stop The TPP's Corporate Giveaway
Here is Senator Warren's latest plea to Americans to help her stop the Trans-Pacific Partnership:
The United States is in the final stages of secret, closed-door negotiations on the Trans-Pacific Partnership, a massive trade agreement with 11 other countries.
Who will benefit from it? One provision hidden in the fine print – “Investor-State Dispute Settlement” – may sound harmless, but don’t let that fool you: ISDS could let foreign companies challenge US laws without ever stepping in an American court.
That would undermine US sovereignty and tilt the playing field even further in favor of multinational corporations.
Here’s how ISDS would work: Imagine that the United States bans a toxic chemical that is often added to gasoline because of its health and environmental consequences. If a foreign company that makes the toxic chemical opposes the law, it would normally have to challenge that regulation in a US court.
But with ISDS, the company could skip the US courts and go before an international panel of arbitrators. If the multinational company won, the ruling couldn’t be challenged in US courts, and the arbitration panel could require American taxpayers to cough up millions – and even billions – of dollars in damages.
If that seems shocking, buckle your seat belt. ISDS could lead to gigantic fines, but it wouldn’t employ independent judges. Instead, highly paid corporate lawyers would go back and forth between representing corporations one day and sitting in judgment the next. Really.
And if the tilt toward giant corporations wasn’t clear enough, consider who would get to use this special court: only international investors, which are, by and large, giant corporations. So if a Vietnamese company with US operations wanted to challenge our refusal to import a dangerous chemical, it could use ISDS. But if an American labor union or human rights group believed Vietnam was allowing Vietnamese companies to pay slave wages in violation of trade commitments, the American labor group would have to make its case in the Vietnamese courts – and if an environmental group thought the Vietnamese company was dumping waste in their rivers in violation of the new trade agreement, they would have to go to a Vietnamese court as well. In other words, the great deal for corporations is only for corporations – everyone else is left out.
Opposing ISDS isn’t a partisan issue – even your Tea Party relatives should be worried about this dangerous provision:
Who will benefit from it? One provision hidden in the fine print – “Investor-State Dispute Settlement” – may sound harmless, but don’t let that fool you: ISDS could let foreign companies challenge US laws without ever stepping in an American court.
That would undermine US sovereignty and tilt the playing field even further in favor of multinational corporations.
Here’s how ISDS would work: Imagine that the United States bans a toxic chemical that is often added to gasoline because of its health and environmental consequences. If a foreign company that makes the toxic chemical opposes the law, it would normally have to challenge that regulation in a US court.
But with ISDS, the company could skip the US courts and go before an international panel of arbitrators. If the multinational company won, the ruling couldn’t be challenged in US courts, and the arbitration panel could require American taxpayers to cough up millions – and even billions – of dollars in damages.
If that seems shocking, buckle your seat belt. ISDS could lead to gigantic fines, but it wouldn’t employ independent judges. Instead, highly paid corporate lawyers would go back and forth between representing corporations one day and sitting in judgment the next. Really.
And if the tilt toward giant corporations wasn’t clear enough, consider who would get to use this special court: only international investors, which are, by and large, giant corporations. So if a Vietnamese company with US operations wanted to challenge our refusal to import a dangerous chemical, it could use ISDS. But if an American labor union or human rights group believed Vietnam was allowing Vietnamese companies to pay slave wages in violation of trade commitments, the American labor group would have to make its case in the Vietnamese courts – and if an environmental group thought the Vietnamese company was dumping waste in their rivers in violation of the new trade agreement, they would have to go to a Vietnamese court as well. In other words, the great deal for corporations is only for corporations – everyone else is left out.
Opposing ISDS isn’t a partisan issue – even your Tea Party relatives should be worried about this dangerous provision:
- Conservatives who believe in US sovereignty should be outraged that ISDS would shift power from American courts, whose authority is derived from our Constitution, to unaccountable international tribunals.
- Libertarians should be offended that ISDS effectively would offer a free taxpayer subsidy to countries with weak legal systems.
- And progressives should oppose ISDS because it would allow big multinational corporations to weaken labor and environmental rules.
If a final TPP agreement includes Investor-State Dispute Settlement, the only winners will be multinational corporations. Join me in saying No to ISDS.
Thank you for being a part of this,
Elizabeth
(Both of the images above are from the Flickr archives of DonkeyHotey.)
Thank you for being a part of this,
Elizabeth
Sunday, March 15, 2015
Green Party Urges Opposition To TPP And Corporate Rule
The Trans-Pacific Partnership is the biggest "free trade" agreement yet -- and it would hurt both workers and consumers, while giving more power to giant corporations. It's a terrible idea that would march us much further down the road to corporate rule. Like all intelligent democracy-loving people, those in the Green Party oppose it. Here is their view, as expressed by Green Party Shadow Cabinet members Kevin Zeese and Margaret Flowers:
Several major international agreements are under negotiation which would greatly empower multinational corporations and the World Economic Forum is promoting a new model of global governance that creates a hybrid government-corporate structure. Humankind is proceeding on a path to global corporate rule where transnational corporations would not just influence public policy, they would write the policies and vote on them. The power of nation-states and people to determine their futures would be weakened in a system of corporate rule.
The Obama administration has been negotiating the Trans-Pacific Partnership (TPP) and the Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) over the past five years is currently pushing Congress to pass trade promotion authority (known as fast track) which would allow him to sign these agreements before they go to Congress. Then Congress would have a limited time to read thousands of pages of technical legal language, debate the contents and be banned from making amendments.
Fast track would drive us down a dangerous path. The TPP and TTIP have been negotiated with unprecedented secrecy. For the first time texts of international agreements have been classified so that members of Congress have had very limited access and are not able to discuss what they’ve read. These are more than trade agreements. The portions that have been leaked show that they will affect everything that we care about from the food we eat to the jobs we have to the health of the planet. The fast track legislation could last seven years, meaning that more agreements could be rushed through Congress without open consideration of their potential impacts, cementing corporate rule.
Given the harm that has already been done to economies, human rights and the environment by neo-liberal economic systems required by the World Trade Organization and ‘free’ trade agreements such as NAFTA; this is not the time to be rushing into new agreements or to cede our power to write the future of the planet.
We are in the midst of a critical political conflict over the future of global governance. Do we want to be ruled by corporations or ruled democratically? This not the time to fast track , it is the time to step back and re-think how to conduct global trade and manage the global economy to prevent further exploitation and harm.
Twenty Years of Experience: Lost Jobs, Trade Deficits and Increased Inequality
Globalization was initiated in its current form by President Bill Clinton when he signed NAFTA and the World Trade Organization (WTO). NAFTA came into force on January 1, 1994 and the WTO became law on January 1, 1995. Modern trade agreements have had serious negative effects on the US economy. Reuters reports:
“Since the pacts were implemented, U.S. trade deficits, which drag down economic growth, have soared more than 430 percent with our free-trade partners. In the same period, they’ve declined 11 percent with countries that are not free-trade partners. Since fast-track trade authority was used to pass NAFTA and the U.S. entrance into the World Trade Organization, the overall annual U.S. trade deficit in goods has more than quadrupled, from $218 billion to $912 billion.”
Trade agreements have also undermined jobs in the United States. Reuters continues: “Nearly 5 million U.S. manufacturing jobs — one in four — have been lost since NAFTA and the various post-NAFTA expansion deals were enacted through fast track.” And, the Bureau of Labor Statistics reports: 3 out of 5 displaced workers who found a job are earning less money and one-third took a pay cut of 20% or more.
These are just two examples of many of the negative economic impacts. The impacts in other countries are also negative. The only beneficiaries are trans-national mega corporations which desire to move capital and businesses across borders without restrictions. Trade agreements consistently expand the wealth divide andincrease income inequality as transnational corporations seek lower wages and costs in order to increase profits.
The current global economic system is unstable because of the connections between global trade and global financial markets. Interconnectedness and a lack of regulation of finance created a cascading worldwide impact during the 2008 financial crisis. Around the world, this has led to tremendous economic dislocation and revolts against the unfair economy and the financial institutions and governments that are responsible.
With this record it is not time to fast track more of the same rigged corporate agreements through Congress; it is time to stop and ask: How can global trade be made to work for everyone?
At a Crossroads in Global Governance
The economic crash raised doubts about whether international governmental institutions can handle the globalized economy. It resulted in calls for transformation of the government and economy from both grass roots revolts protesting lost jobs, lower incomes, austerity, corruption and an unfair economy as well as from corporate elites.
The World Economic Forum (WEF) began a Global Redesign Initiative (GRI) as a result of the 2008 economic crash (GRI is bankrolled mainly by Qatar). WEF participants saw globalization threatened because there has been a loss of legitimacy and ineffectiveness of global governance: Too many countries, organizations and people were openly critical of globalization and multinational banking. The WEF blames nation-states, the United Nations and groups like the G-8 for failing to respond appropriately to the economic crisis. In an analysis of the GRI, the Center for Governance and Sustainability at the University of Massachusetts Bostonwrites:
“WEF is concerned that such widespread public skepticism can lead to widespread doubt about the underlying principles of the global system. They recognize that when corporate leaders are seen as lacking morals, it does not take much for the institutions of globalization to be seen as immoral. In this situation, it would become harder and harder for the G20, for the IMF, or for individual corporate spokespersons to command respect and effective leadership on global matters of concern to the Davos community. They know that it would be increasingly problematic if important messages from the world's elite leaders were ignored by large communities of people around the world.”
To save globalization the WEF believes governance must be redesigned. David Sogge describes their view in “Davos Man”: “When it comes to tackling global problems, nation-states and their public politics are not up to the job. Their old, run-down institutions should be re-fitted …” The WEF solution is a greater role for multi-national corporations in decision making and the weakening of nation-states. They want the UN remade into a hybrid corporate-government entity, where corporations are part of decision-making. The goal is to end nation-centric decision making and include corporations as decision makers.
The WEF points to how trade rules have stalled in the WTO as an example of the failure of nation-state governance. They believe by making corporations partners in decision making the ‘can do’ attitude of business will push these rules forward where the ‘failure mentality’ of the state-centric system stalls trade rules. From the perspective of people’s movements, this is an example of why we do not want corporations to replace nations as decision makers.
The WTO has been stalled because their rules are opposed by people around the globe. There have been massive protests at their negotiations because, for example, international trade agreements (misnamed “free” trade, really rigged trade for transnational corporations) have had a devastating impact on agriculture by destroying traditional farming, forcing farmers into cities and creating a downward depression of wages. Social movements oppose policies that promote private profit over public necessities. A growing worldwide movement led by communities most affected by globalization seeks another direction.
In light of the failure of the WTO, the elite’s push toward global corporate rule is now being codified into law through international agreements like the TPP and Trans-Atlantic Trade and Investment Partnership. Under these agreements corporate sovereignty will increase while the sovereignty of governments shrinks and people lose their ability to influence public policy. These corporate trade agreements will create a series of laws designed to aid corporate profits over the health, safety, income and well-being of most people and further undermine the already at-risk ecology of the planet.
National and local laws will be required to be rewritten to be consistent with trade agreements negotiated in secret. This “harmonization” will require a new bureaucracy to review all laws and regulations for consistency.
The profits of transnational corporations will become so important that governments can be sued if their laws to protect public health, safety or the planet interfere with expected profits. The cases will be heard in special trade tribunals, staffed mainly by corporate lawyers on leave from their corporate jobs. Their decisions cannot be appealed to any other courts. This makes the public interest secondary to the market interests of big business.
The WEF sees itself as the model for future governance writing “The time has come for a new stakeholder paradigm of international governance analogous to that embodied in the stakeholder theory of corporate governance on which the World Economic Forum itself was founded.” The Center for Governance and Sustainability describes this in the context of the UN:
“This integration of global executives with UN diplomats and civil servants was seen as a way to rejuvenate the acceptance of globalization. The thinking is that, if globalization leaders were more involved in the policy development and program implementation of the UN, then organizations and peoples throughout the world may well look more favorably on the legitimacy of their combined efforts.”
People will react in horror to the dystopian idea of the UN becoming a corporate-government hybrid. People already see corporations wielding too much influence at the UN and within nations. The WEF approach will inflate corporate power, creating a corporate neo-feudalism that will kill democracy and the body politic.
How did the WEF arrive at this proposal that so narrowly focuses on building the power of corporations, while weakening national sovereignty? The Center for Global Governance and Sustainability describes the process:
“A key constraint for the broad acceptability of WEF’s new system is the narrow band of experts they convened to develop their proposals. WEF did not call openly for proposals. It did not invite a number of key international constituencies to participate in the process. And it did not even establish a website for public comments. WEF selected its friends to work on its Global Redesign Initiative. Over 50% of WEF's experts were working in the US while advising World Economic Forum on this project, hardly an indication of a geographically well balanced team. Even though GRI's finances came heavily from non-OECD countries, only 2% of its experts were working in developing countries at the time. Of WEF’s friends, only 17% were women. This narrow base has serious consequences. It undermines the WEF claims that it truly understands a multi-polar world and that it has the ability to pick the global leaders of today and tomorrow.”
This process is exactly what must be avoided in the debate on global trade and why we mustn’t allow new agreements to be fast tracked through Congress. The current system has already been too dominated by the interests of multi-national corporations and has excluded the voices of those who are harmed by its impacts.
We need a broader debate on how globalization should be handled. What is the role of transnational corporations? How can transnational corporations with larger wealth than some nations be regulated? How do we ensure the planet’s ecology is protected at this critical time of the climate change tipping point, mass species die-off, oceans under severe stress, depleting aquifers, floods and increasing desertification? How do we shrink the wealth divide that is impacting almost every country, creating widespread poverty and strife?
Twenty years into modern corporate globalization, we need to stop, think, discuss and debate, not blindly fast track more of the same failed system. Fast track would permit presidents to approve secretly negotiated trade agreements and rush them through Congress without transparency, public participation or real congressional review for the next seven years. This is the opposite of is needed.
Similar Rhetoric, Different Visions for the Future
There is a shared frustration in the global community with the inability of governments and international organizations to respond to the global financial crisis. The United Nations has shortcomings. As the Center got Global Governance and Sustainability puts it:
“Some are frustrated with the international system because urgent state functions in the international arena are not solved by the UN system. There are wars and the UN cannot stop them. There are major ecological catastrophes and the international system cannot get relief supplies into the affected areas fast enough. There are starving people in Africa and the IGOs do not prevent their unnecessary deaths.”
The WEF uses language very similar to what social movements use. For example, the WEF claims it seeks “bottom-up” decision-making, but does not define what that would look like. For social movements, this means less hierarchy, public participation, transparency, democracy and governments listening to the people at the bottom, rather than taking their cue from the elites at the top.
The WEF promotes a philosophy couched in the concept of “multi-stakeholderism,” another idea consistent with the view of social movements that the world is not unipolar, it has many actors. The WEF uses this concept to give transnational corporations, undemocratic non-state actors, decision-making power, while social movements see big business already having too much influence.
Multi-national corporations wield great influence over the global economy. They decide the distribution of vital necessities, e.g. the prices and quantities of food and medicine, how much workers will be paid as well as the distribution of wealth and the selection of products to be manufactured and where. Control of international markets is more in the decision-making power of transnational corporations than of governments. WEF sees this as a reason to formalize the decision making power of transnational corporations, making them part of government, while people’s movements see a need to expand public participation in government to act in the public interest rather than the private interest for commercial profit.
Which Path Forward? What You Can Do
David Sogge writes in the “State of Davos” that “By custom and by law, the formal management of international affairs is a matter for sovereign nations and their representatives.” He points out “the UN Charter begins with ‘We the peoples’ and affirms the ‘equal rights of men and women and of nations large and small.’”
As globalization begins its third decade, the question before us is, do we want corporate rule or people’s rule? Is the wealth of a few more important than human rights? What can be done to empower people? Should the nation-state become a thing of the past and corporate sovereignty reign, or is there another path? This is a debate that cannot be fast tracked; it must be brought into the open before trade agreements cement corporate rule for decades to come.
We urge people to put their effort into stopping fast track legislation in Congress. This will not be easy because it is high on the president’s agenda, many pro-business legislators and entities like the Chamber of Congress. It can only be stopped if people work together persistently to oppose it. Get involved here.
We expect that as fast track legislation moves through Congress, the White House and corporate lobbyists will inundate members of Congress with promises in exchange for votes. In the past, votes were held open past the legal time limit as members of Congress were picked off one by one until there were enough votes to pass.
We need to maintain persistent pressure on Congress to oppose fast track. When we stop fast track, there should be a broad discussion of our vision for a globalized world structured to support universal human rights and protection of the planet.
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